The Formation of the National League for Democracy
The National League for Democracy (NLD) was established in the context of significant popular unrest in Myanmar, particularly following the 8888 Uprising, which occurred in 1988. This tumultuous period was marked by widespread protests calling for democratic reforms and the end of military rule in the country. Although the uprising initially showcased a strong desire for change among the populace, it was ultimately quelled by a brutal military crackdown, resulting in the reassertion of military control through a coup.
Aung San Suu Kyi emerged as a leading figure during this period, drawing on the legacy of her father, Aung San, who played a crucial role in Myanmar’s independence from British colonial rule in the 1940s. With support from fellow democracy advocates, she was appointed as General Secretary of the NLD, which was created to champion the cause of democracy and represent the aspirations of the Burmese people. Brigadier General Aung Gyi, a key military figure disenchanted with the junta, served as the founding chair of the party.
Political Success and Subsequent Repression
In the 1990 parliamentary elections, the NLD achieved a remarkable victory, securing 59% of the popular vote and winning 392 out of 492 contested seats. This overwhelming mandate indicated a clear preference among the electorate for the party’s vision of a democratic Myanmar, starkly contrasting the meager 10 seats won by the governing National Unity Party, which had close ties to the military. Despite the electoral success, the ruling junta, known at that time as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), refused to recognize the results, effectively nullifying the democratic will of the people.
Following the elections, the junta intensified its crackdown on the NLD and its supporters. Aung San Suu Kyi found herself under house arrest by 1996, a measure that would confine her to her home for 16 out of the next 21 years. The repressive measures against the NLD included harassment, intimidation, and imprisonment of its members. However, in the face of this repression, several senior NLD leaders managed to evade arrest and subsequently established the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) in 1990. This government-in-exile aimed to provide a legitimate political alternative and advocate for the restoration of democracy in Myanmar, preserving the aspirations of the NLD and its supporters during a politically dark period.
Throughout these years, both the NLD and Aung San Suu Kyi remained symbols of resistance against oppression, as they tirelessly promoted the ideals of democracy, human rights, and national reconciliation, drawing international attention and support to the plight of the Burmese people. Their commitment and perseverance would play a pivotal role in shaping the future political landscape of Myanmar.
Continued Repression Under Military Rule in the 2000s
The early 2000s marked a complex period for the National League for Democracy (NLD) in Burma, characterized by a paradox of limited space for political activities juxtaposed with relentless military repression. In 2001, the government made a striking decision to allow NLD office branches to reopen across the country and released some members previously imprisoned for their political affiliations. This moment of relative freedom was fleeting; by May 2002, the junta had released Aung San Suu Kyi, the general secretary of the NLD, from house arrest. Suu Kyi and her fellow party members garnered significant public support as they toured various regions, advocating for democracy and reform. However, this resurgence was abruptly shattered during a tragic event in May 2003. While traveling in Depayin township, Suu Kyi and dozens of NLD supporters became victims of a military-sponsored massacre, leading to the death of several members. Following this horrific incident, Suu Kyi and the NLD's vice president, U Tin Oo, were once again imprisoned, reflecting the regime’s brutal tactics to suppress dissent.
As the years progressed, the regime tightened its grip on the political landscape, further marginalizing the NLD and other opposition voices. By 2004, the military government had effectively prohibited any activities related to the party, rendering it nearly impotent. This crackdown spurred frustration and fear among NLD members, leading to mass resignations in 2006 as individuals cited escalating harassment and intimidation tactics employed by the Tatmadaw (Burmese Armed Forces) and the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA). The deteriorating environment for political engagement highlighted the regime’s commitment to stifling any semblance of democratic governance.
The atmosphere grew even more tumultuous in October 2008, a time following the violent suppression of the Saffron Revolution, which had drawn significant international attention to the plight of democratic movements in Burma. A bomb explosion rocked the Htan Chauk Pin quarter of Shwepyitha Township in Yangon, claiming the life of Thet Oo Win, a former Buddhist monk involved in the earlier protests. The military junta sought to deflect blame by accusing the NLD of orchestrating the attack, despite widespread skepticism from experts who recognized that the party had been neutralized and lacked the capacity to perform such acts under the prevailing repressive regime. Subsequently, several NLD members were detained by the junta, further illustrating the regime's strategy of using violence and fear to quash opposition.
In light of these events, the NLD's struggle during the 2000s serves as a poignant reminder of the complexities and challenges faced by pro-democracy advocates in an environment defined by authoritarianism and limited political freedom. The ongoing repression, coupled with internal strife among opposition ranks, underscored the difficult road ahead for those advocating for change in Burma.
Political Landscape in Myanmar During the 2010s
In the 2010s, the National League for Democracy (NLD) faced significant challenges in Myanmar's political landscape. The NLD boycotted the general election held in November 2010, primarily due to restrictive laws that barred many of its key members from running for office. These laws effectively forced the party to expel its prominent leaders if it wished to participate, a move that led to the NLD's official ban. A rival faction, the National Democratic Force (NDF), emerged but failed to gain substantial support, capturing less than 3% of the total votes. The election was overwhelmingly won by the military-affiliated Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which U.S. President Barack Obama labeled a "stolen" election. This atmosphere of political suppression set a turbulent stage for any future engagements.
The NLD's fortunes began to shift in 2011, as discussions between Aung San Suu Kyi, the party's leader, and the Myanmar government initiated certain reforms. These negotiations yielded encouraging outcomes, such as the release of around 10% of the country's political prisoners and the legalization of trade unions—indications of the government’s willingness to engage with the opposition. On November 18, 2011, following strategic planning, the NLD announced its intention to register as a political entity again, positioning itself to participate in impending by-elections initiated by USDP members promoted to ministerial roles. This period marked the beginning of a cautious and complicated thaw in Myanmar’s political climate, characterized by international attention and diplomatic engagements, including a notable conversation between Suu Kyi and President Obama. Following this, then-U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited Myanmar, signaling a new chapter in U.S.-Myanmar relations.
The 2012 by-elections were pivotal for the NLD, leading the party to contest all available seats, amidst skepticism over the electoral process's legitimacy. Reports of irregularities in campaigning raised significant doubts, yet the NLD's candidates, including Suu Kyi, successfully secured 43 out of 45 contested seats. The USDP, despite its earlier dominance, won only a single seat, indicating a decisive shift in the electorate's sentiment. However, the euphoria was short-lived as the NLD faced critiques in the lead-up to the 2015 elections, particularly regarding its stance on Muslim candidates. The party's strategies appeared to favor relationships with hardline Buddhist groups like Ma Ba Tha, ultimately sidelining a deeply marginalized community.
Earning 85% of parliamentary seats during the landmark 2015 elections forecasted a significant political shift. However, the assassination of Ko Ni, a Muslim legal advisor to the NLD, in January 2017 served as a grim reminder of the ongoing sectarian tensions in the country. Additionally, the party's public response—or lack thereof—towards the escalating violence against the Rohingya people from 2016 onwards drew heavy criticism from international observers. The NLD’s perceived inaction on such humanitarian crises, combined with failures to fortify the rule of law or hold security forces accountable for abuses, highlighted the pressing challenges the party faced, despite being in a position of power. This era ultimately underscored the delicate balancing act between the military's enduring influence and the promise of democratic reforms in Myanmar.
Return to Military Rule in Myanmar
The National League for Democracy (NLD) achieved a significant victory in the 2020 Myanmar general election, garnering even more support than in 2015. This election result solidified their mandate to lead the government. In stark contrast, the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) suffered considerable losses, losing eight additional seats in both chambers of the national legislature. Domestic and international observers widely regarded the election as credible, noting that there were no substantial irregularities in the voting process. In defiance of this consensus, the military alleged that the election was fraudulent, claiming there were 8.6 million discrepancies in voter lists. However, the Union Election Commission refuted these allegations on January 28, 2021, stating that there was insufficient evidence to support the military's claims.
On February 1, 2021, Myanmar experienced a military coup d'état that disrupted the democratic process. The military swiftly targeted key NLD leaders, including notable figures such as Aung San Suu Kyi (the party leader), President Win Nyunt, and around 400 Members of Parliament-elect who had gathered in Naypyidaw for their swearing-in ceremony scheduled for the following day. In a bold act of defiance, 70 NLD MPs took an oath of office on February 4, signifying their continued commitment to the democratic process despite the military's overwhelming authority. In the weeks following the coup, the military junta launched widespread arrests, detaining hundreds of NLD members, often justifying these actions by alleging involvement in anti-coup protests. By March 2023, reports indicated that 1,232 NLD members had been imprisoned, including 80 MP-elects, while at least 84 NLD members had died while in custody, underlining the severity of the junta's crackdown.
Following the coup, NLD party offices were systematically occupied and raided by police starting from February 2, 2021. Documents, computers, and valuable equipment were seized forcibly, prompting the NLD to label these operations as unlawful. Police raids intensified, with a significant operation occurring on February 9 at the NLD headquarters in Yangon. The situation escalated on May 21, 2021, when the junta-controlled Union Election Commission (UEC) announced intentions to permanently dissolve the NLD. However, this decision was later reversed, as a spokesperson for the junta implied that the NLD would have the opportunity to decide its future in the forthcoming general elections. The military enacted a new electoral law in January 2023 aimed at favoring the USDP, further complicating the political landscape. In response, the NLD declared its decision not to re-register as a political entity nor to acknowledge the legitimacy of any elections orchestrated by the junta. Subsequently, on March 28, 2023, the UEC officially dissolved the NLD, a decision the party challenged, asserting that the UEC lacked legitimacy because the junta itself was not a credible governing body. This ongoing struggle reflects the resilience of democracy advocates in Myanmar and the severe repression they face under military rule.
Ideology and Political Positions
The National League for Democracy (NLD) stands as a beacon for non-violent political reform in Myanmar, advocating for the establishment of a multi-party democracy after decades of military rule that lasted from 1962 until 2011. The party’s foundational belief is rooted in the promotion of human rights, including broad-based freedom of speech, which it considers essential for democratic governance. The NLD is committed to upholding the rule of law, a vital component of democracy, and actively promotes national reconciliation as a way to unify a diverse populace that has been historically fractured by ethnic divisions and military oppression.
Described with various ideological labels, the NLD embodies principles of liberalism, social democracy, and conservative values. This pluralistic ideological framework allows the party to appeal to a wide range of voters in Myanmar. The NLD’s positioning as a social-democratic entity reflects its commitment to populism and protectionist economic policies aimed at safeguarding local interests and ensuring equitable economic development. It seeks to uplift marginalized communities while promoting sustainable growth, acknowledging the critical need for an inclusive economic strategy in a country that has faced extensive exploitation of its resources and labor.
Aung San Suu Kyi, a key figure in the NLD and a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has been vocal about the flaws in Myanmar's 2008 constitution. This constitution, heavily influenced by the military, mandates that 25% of parliamentary seats be held by army appointees, an arrangement she and the NLD believe undermines democratic principles. The party's criticism of such structural limitations highlights its broader commitment to reforming governance in Myanmar, suggesting that true democracy cannot coexist with military influence. The NLD continues to strive toward amending these constitutional provisions to promote a political landscape that truly reflects the will of the people, essential for nurturing a robust democratic system in the country.
Party Symbols
The National League for Democracy (NLD) proudly showcases the peacock as its party flag, which holds deep cultural significance in Myanmar. The peacock is widely recognized as a national symbol, often representing beauty, grace, and strength in the context of Burmese identity. In traditional Burmese monarchic flags, the dancing peacock was commonly depicted, symbolizing prosperity and the rich cultural heritage of the nation. This imagery continues to resonate with the populace and aligns with the broader narrative of national pride.
The fighting peacock, which more closely resembles the green peafowl with its distinctive tufted crest, is particularly significant for its association with the ongoing struggle for democracy against military dictatorship in Myanmar. Over the decades, the image of the fighting peacock has come to represent resilience, courage, and the relentless pursuit of freedom among the people. This powerful symbol not only connects to Myanmar's tumultuous political history but also embodies the hopes and aspirations of those who yearn for a more democratic society.
The adoption of the NLD party symbol from the Myanmar Student Union flag is rooted in historical significance. This student union emerged as a critical force during the anti-colonial movement against British rule, laying the groundwork for Myanmar’s eventual independence in 1948. The legacy of the student union is intertwined with prominent figures like Aung San Suu Kyi's father, Bogyoke Aung San, who was instrumental in the fight for independence and served as a former president of the Rangoon University Student Union. This connection highlights the importance of education and youth activism in shaping Myanmar's political landscape.
In addition to the peacock, the NLD emblem features a traditional bamboo hat, known as ခမောက် (hkamauk). This hat symbolizes the agrarian roots of the Burmese people and reflects the party's commitment to representing the interests of farmers and rural communities. By incorporating such culturally significant symbols, the NLD aims to unite diverse segments of the population under a shared vision of democracy, equality, and justice for all citizens in Myanmar.
NLD Women's Committee Overview
The NLD Women's Committee, known in Burmese as အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် အမျိုးသမီး ကော်မတီ, is a vital branch of the National League for Democracy (NLD) focused on empowering women and providing essential legal and social support to women in need across Myanmar. The committee has established Women's Work Committees at various administrative levels, including regions, states, wards, and villages, to ensure that women's issues are effectively addressed and resources are accessible. The Central Women's Committee, led by May Win Myint, plays a crucial role in coordinating efforts and extending assistance to women facing challenges.
Under the leadership of May Win Myint, the committee not only addresses legal needs but also engages in social advocacy, aiming to uplift women's rights and encourage their participation in all aspects of society. This initiative is part of a more extensive effort to promote gender equality within the political and social structures of Myanmar. The presence of Women's Work Committees at different levels facilitates community engagement and allows for a more localized approach to the issues affecting women.
NLD Election History
The election history of the National League for Democracy showcases a trajectory marked by significant challenges and momentous successes. In the landmark election of 1990, the NLD won 392 out of 492 available seats, garnering 59.9% of the votes; however, this victory was not recognized. This was primarily due to the military's refusal to cede power, despite the overwhelming popular support for the NLD, led by Aung San Suu Kyi.
The subsequent elections tell a story of boycott and limited participation. In 2010, the NLD did not participate in the elections, with the party led by Aung San Suu Kyi choosing to boycott the process. This pattern continued through 2012, where the NLD secured only five seats out of 224. It was not until the 2015 elections that NLD gained substantial power, winning 135 out of 224 seats and forming a majority government, reflecting a growing trust among the electorate.
In 2020, the NLD enjoyed further success, winning 138 out of 224 seats, but the outcome of the elections remains contested and not fully recognized. With each electoral cycle, the NLD's struggle against military rule and their commitment to democratic ideals became increasingly clear, underlining the part political participation plays in the broader fight for democracy and human rights in Myanmar.
Leadership of NLD Women's Committee
The NLD Women's Committee is composed of a dedicated team that works collaboratively to push for women's rights and welfare within Myanmar. The committee consists of a chairperson and nine other members, each tasked with specific roles to contribute to the group's mission. May Win Myint serves as the Chairperson, bringing her leadership skills to the forefront of women's advocacy. Supporting her is the Secretary, Zin Mar Aung, alongside members such as Khin Khin Phyu, Shwe Pone, Lat Lat, Thet Htar Nwe, Thandar, Than Than Aye, Aye Aye Mar, and Aye Mu (or Shar Mee).
Each member of the committee plays an essential role in ensuring that women's voices are heard and represented in both social and political spheres. Their combined efforts are significant in promoting legislative changes, legal support, and social programs tailored for women, thereby enhancing the community's capacity to respond to women's issues and needs effectively. This structure not only empowers individual members but also fosters a sense of solidarity and collective action among women in Myanmar.