Formation and Evolution
Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) emerged in the late 1990s, largely as a project initiated by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The foundation of this group was laid through connections with various Deobandi Islamic militants, particularly those linked to Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, which had already been established with the support of the ISI to execute significant terrorist activities. By this time, the Pakistani military had begun framing jihad in Kashmir as a vital aspect of its foreign policy, thus legitimizing its involvement in supporting various jihadist groups. The United States took notice of Harkat-ul-Mujahideen's activities and officially designated it as an Islamic jihadist organization in 1998, subsequently targeting its training camps in Afghanistan with airstrikes.
The incident that catalyzed JeM's formation occurred in December 1999 when Harkat operatives hijacked Indian Airlines Flight 814, forcing it to land in Kandahar, Afghanistan. Upon landing, they were reportedly assisted by both the Afghan Taliban and officials from Pakistan. The hijackers resorted to extreme measures during the standoff, including violence against passengers. In response to the crisis, the Indian government capitulated to their demands, agreeing to release three imprisoned Harkat operatives in a bid to secure the passengers' safety. Among those released was Maulana Masood Azhar, who subsequently became the leader of JeM. Following his release, Azhar undertook a public fundraising tour across Pakistan with ISI's assistance, signaling the official elevation of JeM as a jihadist entity.
Strategic Objectives and Operations
Scholars have noted that the ISI may have birthed JeM to offset the rising influence of another militant group, Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), which was gaining prominence in the region. The ISI is believed to have facilitated JeM's operations in Kashmir and other conflict zones, providing it with the necessary resources to sustain its activities. While officially banned in Pakistan since 2002, JeM has continued its operations relatively unabated, managing to maintain several facilities within the country. This persistent existence attests to the ongoing support and toleration from elements within the Pakistani state, despite the international community's pressing calls for action against terrorism.
Under Masood Azhar's leadership, which many analysts describe as nominal, JeM operates with a decentralized structure that appears to have facilitated its resilience against crackdowns. The membership primarily derives from former Harkat-ul-Mujahideen militants, and JeM has developed affiliations with other prominent jihadist networks, including the Taliban and Al Qaeda. Their shared experiences in Al Qaeda's training camps in Afghanistan have translated into a loyalty that persists among JeM's ranks. As a result, many former Harkat members followed Azhar to JeM, further depleting Harkat's resources and support.
JeM's challenges and operations illustrate the intricate dynamics of jihadism in South Asia, where groups are interlinked, often sharing resources and ideology. The complexity of Pakistan's foreign policy entanglements, particularly regarding militant support, further complicates the regional security landscape. As new challenges arise, including shifts in geopolitical alliances and local dissent, the future of JeM and similar organizations remains a critical area of concern for both regional and international stakeholders.
Initial Attacks and Escalation
In April 2000, Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) ventured into a new phase of violence by executing its first suicide bombing in Kashmir. This incident involved detonating an explosive device in an Indian army barracks, which tragically resulted in the deaths of five Indian soldiers. This marked a significant escalation in the ongoing conflict in the region and highlighted the increasingly bold strategies employed by militant organizations in pursuit of their objectives.
Following the September 11 attacks in the United States, the geopolitical landscape altered dramatically. The Musharraf government in Pakistan perceived an opportunity to continue its support for militancy in Kashmir under the guise of cooperating with the United States in the War on Terror. JeM capitalized on this environment of turmoil and ambiguity, notably executing a bombing in October 2001 near the Jammu and Kashmir legislative assembly that claimed 38 lives. Shortly thereafter, in December 2001, JeM militants, in coordination with those from Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), launched a fidayeen (suicide) attack on the Indian Parliament. Although this assault was ultimately thwarted, it resulted in the deaths of eight security personnel and a gardener, highlighting the severe threat posed by these extremist groups.
Aftermath and International Repercussions
The attack on the Indian Parliament marked a pivotal moment in the India-Pakistan relationship. Experts noted that, had the attack resulted in the death of a prominent Indian leader, the implications could have led to severe military conflict between the two nations. Instead, the Indian government characterized the incident as an "attack on democracy," which triggered the largest mobilization of troops along the India-Pakistan border in over fifteen years. This display of military readiness was not without its own repercussions; Pakistan swiftly responded by moving its troops to the Indian border from the Afghan front, creating a perilous standoff.
The international community, particularly the United States, expressed concern regarding the unfolding events. The U.S. government pressured Musharraf to take a definitive stance against terrorism, fearing that the situation could spiral into war and undermine the broader War on Terror. Responding to this pressure, Musharraf declared a ban on several extremist organizations, including JeM, on January 12, 2002, while promising that no group would be allowed to carry out terrorist activities under the guise of Kashmir. Following this declaration, security forces rounded up hundreds of militants, sparking resentment and hostility within these militant circles.
Resilience and Continued Activities
Despite initial crackdowns, by March 2002, many of the arrested militants were freed, and restrictions were quietly lifted. The dynamic between the Pakistani government and these militant groups remained fraught with tension, underscored by the ongoing financial and intelligence support provided to JeM. Moreover, Masood Azhar, a prominent figure in JeM and a key architect of many terrorist activities, was released under a court order, further demonstrating the complexities involved in the regional struggle against militancy.
This cycle of violence, government crackdowns, and subsequent releases ultimately maintained the volatility of the Kashmir conflict. The operations of organizations like JeM continued unabated, posing persistent challenges to the stability and security of both India and Pakistan. This period serves as a pivotal chapter in the ongoing saga of terrorism and counter-terrorism efforts in South Asia, reflecting the interplay between militant ambition and state response amidst a backdrop of international scrutiny and regional tumult.
Bans, Revolts, and Splits in JeM's History
In the early 2000s, Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), a militant organization operating primarily in Pakistan, foresaw the impending designation of being labeled as a foreign Islamic jihadist entity by the U.S. State Department. In anticipation of this classification, the group made a strategic move by rebranding itself as Tehrik-ul-Furqan and transferring its assets to supporters who maintained a lower profile. This rebranding was in vain, as the United Nations officially declared JeM a foreign Islamic jihadist organization in October 2001, with the U.S. following suit in December of the same year. The recognition by these powerful international bodies severely restricted the group's operational capabilities and funding sources.
In the wake of a ban from the Pakistani government in January 2002, JeM adopted another alias: Khuddam ul-Islam. However, this name too faced a ban in 2003. Consequently, the organization attempted to reposition itself as a charitable entity, Al-Rehmat Trust, which was accused of covertly raising funds to support its militant activities. By this time, the internal dynamics within JeM had begun to fracture, leading to the formation of new factions amid leadership disputes. Notably, three commanders left the group citing grievances over leadership and operational strategies, creating a splinter faction known as Jamaat ul-Furqan. Meanwhile, the faction that remained loyal to the original leader, Masood Azhar, continued under the name Khuddam ul-Islam.
The fallout from political decisions within Pakistan, particularly President Pervez Musharraf's commitment to joining the U.S.-led War on Terror, led to widespread dissatisfaction among the rank-and-file members of JeM. As public discontent grew, Masood Azhar found his authority challenged. He faced pressure from an increasingly rebellious Supreme Council, which called for his resignation. Influential factions within JeM, particularly those led by Maulana Abdul Jabbar, openly opposed the Pakistani government, labeling it a "slave" to U.S. interests. These rebel factions secured support from other militant organizations, such as Al Qaeda and Lashkar-e-Taiba, exacerbating the conflict.
From March to September 2002, these factions escalated their attacks, specifically targeting Pakistani officials through a series of suicide missions in major cities such as Islamabad and Karachi. JeM members returning from the fallout of the Taliban regime also executed attacks against Christian minorities, Shia mosques, and even diplomatic missions. The Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency urged Masood Azhar to act against these rebels. However, he claimed these elements had been expelled from the organization and insisted that it was the government's duty to apprehend them. Contrary to his claims, many dissenters remained within JeM, leading to a highly competitive struggle for resources and influence.
In November 2003, the Pakistani government moved to ban both Khuddam ul-Islam and the rebellious Jamaat-ul-Furqan. The increasingly volatile situation culminated in two assassination attempts on President Musharraf, carried out on December 14 and December 25, 2003. Disturbingly, evidence indicated involvement from certain elements within the Pakistani military that provided logistical support for these attacks, which utilized explosives traced back to an Al Qaeda camp in South Waziristan. Amidst this chaos, Masood Azhar was notable for publicly calling for the assassination of Musharraf, which further alienated him from the state and led to a crackdown on those "rogue" elements within Pakistan's military and intelligence establishments.
The aftermath of these events saw the Pakistani government detaining and dismissing over a hundred military personnel linked to the insurgency, with some receiving death sentences. Despite the state’s efforts to dismantle disruptive operations, the core militant infrastructure of JeM remained largely intact. By 2004, Azhar’s faction, while temporarily sidelined, was allowed to reestablish itself after the removal of problematic leaders. The rebellious factions ultimately aligned themselves with Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan in 2007, indicating a broader trend of evolving alliances and ongoing unrest in the region. Throughout these tumultuous years, the struggle for control and ideological consolidation within JeM reflected larger vulnerabilities within Pakistan's counterterrorism policies and the complex relationship between state and non-state actors in the region.
Revival of JeM: Background and Context
After 2004, Masood Azhar maintained his allegiance to the Pakistani state, receiving protection for his group, Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), despite the official bans imposed on it. This backing from the state allowed JeM to flourish, particularly in Bahawalpur, where it expanded its infrastructure. Reports from 2009 indicated the group established an extensive 6.5-acre complex, featuring amenities such as a swimming pool and a stable for horses, which were likely used for training militants. This complex was notably branded as 'Jamia Masjid Subhan Allah' and intriguingly located only 8 kilometers away from the headquarters of the Pakistan Army's 31 Corps, exemplifying the group’s significant positioning within the region.
Within the urban fabric of Bahawalpur, JeM established an imposing madrassa that attracted hundreds of children annually, thereby embedding itself in the local community. The organization showcased its influence through a massive three-day rally in 2008, where armed security guards were positioned at all city entrances while law enforcement remained absent, indicating a tacit acceptance of JeM’s activities by local authorities. This ability to rally support and operate freely suggests not only JeM's growing power but also its intricate connections with different segments of society.
Masood Azhar’s low profile lasted several years until he resurfaced in 2014, delivering incendiary speeches advocating for increased militant attacks against India and the United States. In these addresses, he claimed to command a whopping 300 suicide attackers, significantly escalating the rhetoric of violence. His threats against political figures like Narendra Modi, especially regarding Modi's potential premiership, exemplified Azhar's strategy to instigate fear and push an anti-India narrative.
Analysts like Bruce Riedel have linked the revival of JeM to political changes within Pakistan, particularly the return of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, who had historically pursued a policy of détente with India. The burgeoning relationship between Sharif and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, especially after Modi's landmark visit to Lahore on Christmas Day in 2015, infused a new wave of anger within JeM. This anger stemmed from JeM's perception that enhanced Indo-Pak relations undermined its ideological stance and operational objectives. Consequently, the re-emergence of Azhar and JeM highlighted the continued complexities within Pakistan’s strategic landscape and the intersection of militant ideology with political shifts.
Overview of the 2016 Attacks and Responses
In January 2016, shortly after Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Lahore, the terrorist organization Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) orchestrated a significant attack on the Pathankot air base, resulting in the death of seven Indian security personnel. This violent act was closely followed by an assault on the Indian consulate located in Mazar-i-Sharif, Afghanistan. These coordinated attacks raised alarms in both India and Pakistan, leading to mutual condemnation while the two nations aimed to maintain their diplomatic peace process. Pakistan responded to the attacks by taking steps to investigate the claims, forming a joint investigation team in collaboration with India to delve deeper into the incidents. Moreover, there were reports suggesting that JeM’s leader, Masood Azhar, was placed under "protective custody," yet JeM vehemently denied any arrests being made.
As the situation evolved, by April 2016, reports indicated that Masood Azhar was still active and publicly accessible despite claims of his detention. Riaz Hussain Pirzada, a member of Pakistan's National Assembly, pointed out that the roots of extremism remained entrenched, with madrassas continuing to receive financial support. In response to the growing threats posed by such groups, then-Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif ordered a crackdown on JeM. However, this push was complicated when General Raheel Sharif, the army chief, exerted pressure to transfer control of the operation to the military, effectively leading to an ambiguous situation regarding the status of the crackdown. Reports also surfaced indicating that the state's security establishment frequently intervened to protect certain organizations from legal actions initiated by civilian authorities, although the government publicly dismissed these claims.
Rising Jihadist Activity and Increased Tensions
The unrest in Jammu and Kashmir during mid-2016 spurred various jihadist factions within Pakistan to galvanize support, with JeM notably participating in public fundraising campaigns for their cause. This series of events shifted focus back to the region, from which tensions between India and Pakistan continued to escalate. In September 2016, JeM was suspected of orchestrating a deadly assault on an Indian brigade headquarters in Uri, near the Line of Control, killing 19 soldiers and marking one of the deadliest attacks in recent Indian history.
Following this incident, India responded with heightened rhetoric, with the Indian Home Minister categorically labeling Pakistan a "terrorist state" and emphasizing that the core perpetrators were well-trained and heavily armed. In an effort to isolate Pakistan internationally, India launched a diplomatic campaign aimed at garnering support from other nations to confront and condemn terrorism. On September 28, India claimed to have conducted "surgical strikes" against alleged JeM camps across the Line of Control into Pakistan-administered Kashmir. This assertion was met with denial from Pakistan, further intensifying the already fraught relations between the two nations. The complexities surrounding these events reflected deep-rooted issues of national security, cross-border terrorism, and the often-contentious nature of Indo-Pak relations.
Pulwama Attack: A Turning Point
On 14 February 2019, tragedy struck in Lathpora, near Awantipora in the Pulwama District of Kashmir when the militant group Jaish-e-Mohammed orchestrated a devastating suicide attack. With precision and intent, they targeted a convoy of security forces, resulting in the loss of at least 40 Indian personnel. The attack involved a bus carrying 39 Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) members, which was rammed by a vehicle loaded with 350 kg of explosives. This incident marked one of the deadliest attacks on Indian security forces in recent history, significantly escalating tensions between India and Pakistan and bringing international scrutiny to the ongoing conflict in Kashmir.
Airstrikes and Escalation
In retaliation for the Pulwama attack, on 26 February 2019, the Indian Air Force launched a targeted operation, sending 12 Mirage 2000 jets across the Line of Control. The aircraft dropped precision-guided bombs on what was reported to be a Jaish-e-Mohammed training camp located in Balakot, a town in Pakistan's Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. This military action was characterized by the Indian government as a necessary response to protect its sovereignty and security personnel. However, the Pakistani government refuted claims of significant damage from the strikes, escalating the ongoing rhetoric between the two nations. The situation further intensified when an Indian aircraft was shot down by Pakistan, leading to the capture of its pilot, who was later released as a gesture of peace, highlighting the fraught nature of Indo-Pak relations.
Continued Violence and Targeted Killings
The reach of Jaish-e-Mohammed's violence was evident in subsequent attacks, such as the incident on 27 August 2019, where two members of a nomadic community were killed by individuals suspected to be associated with the militant group. These killings occurred in the higher reaches of Tral in south Kashmir after the victims had been abducted from their temporary shelter. Such acts not only reflected the group's ongoing campaign of terror but also illustrated the precarious security situation faced by ordinary civilians in the region. The ramifications of these violent acts extend beyond immediate casualties, contributing to a cycle of fear, displacement, and further militarization in the region, exacerbating an already volatile situation in Kashmir.
In summation, the events surrounding the Pulwama attack and subsequent military responses underscored the complex dynamics influencing India-Pakistan relations, involving deep-rooted historical grievances and the persistent challenge of terrorism in the region. These incidents not only reshaped military strategies but also influenced international perceptions of security and human rights in Kashmir.
Impact of Taliban's Return to Power
The return of the Taliban to power in Afghanistan in August 2021 has had significant repercussions for various militant groups operating in the region, including the Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM). Following the Taliban's swift seizure, a number of JeM operatives were reportedly released from custody, allowing the group to reinforce its ranks and operational capabilities. This has raised concerns among security agencies in India and neighboring countries about a potential resurgence of cross-border terrorism, particularly in Kashmir.
Collaborative Efforts with Taliban
In the wake of the Taliban's rise, various reports indicate that the JeM has engaged in dialogues with Taliban leadership to solidify their collaborative efforts. Notably, JeM's leader, Masood Azhar, allegedly met with senior Taliban officials, including Mullah Baradar, in Kandahar shortly after the Taliban's takeover. During these meetings, Azhar sought assistance from the Taliban for the JeM's activities aimed at intensifying the conflict in Kashmir. The Taliban has reportedly assured Jaish-e-Mohammed of robust support, which includes logistics and possibly strategic guidance.
Regional Security Implications
The connections forged between the Taliban and JeM are likely to exacerbate the already volatile security situation in South Asia. India's intelligence community has expressed deep concern over the potential influx of fighters and resources across the Line of Control, which could lead to an escalation of militant activities in Kashmir. Such developments may not only destabilize the region further but could also strain India-Pakistan relations. With the JeM being a key player in cross-border terrorism, the backing it receives from the Taliban could embolden its operational capabilities, leading to more aggressive strategies against Indian security forces.
Overall, the interplay between the Taliban’s new regime and groups like JeM underscores a complex and evolving threat landscape in South Asia, with implications that may resonate far beyond the immediate region.
Ideology and Goals
Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), an Islamist militant organization founded in the late 1990s, primarily aims to advocate for the liberation of Kashmir and its subsequent merger with Pakistan. This objective is framed within a broader belief system that perceives Kashmir not merely as a territorial issue, but as a pivotal point for a larger Islamic resurgence. JeM propagates the notion that Kashmir serves as a "gateway" to India, where the Muslim community is believed to be oppressed and in need of emancipation. Once they achieve their goal in Kashmir, the group expresses intentions to extend their jihad across other regions of India, aspiring to drive Hindus and non-Muslims from the subcontinent. This expansionist vision underscores JeM's militant ideology, which seeks to reshape the socio-political landscape of South Asia under the banner of jihad.
In addition to its focus on India, JeM has also targeted Western influence in Afghanistan. The organization aims to challenge the presence of the United States and its allies, whom they view as imperialist forces interfering in Islamic lands. Leadership figures like Masood Azhar, the founder of JeM, have made inflammatory statements encouraging followers to prioritize their commitment to jihad over all else. In a notable speech delivered in Karachi, Azhar emphasized a zealous approach to life, urging his followers to "marry for jihad, give birth for jihad and earn money only for jihad till the cruelty of America and India ends." This call to action reveals a deeply ingrained ideology that interlaces personal life with militant objectives, fostering a culture of radicalization.
The violent tactics employed by JeM extend beyond their proclaimed mission in Kashmir. In late 2002, the group gained notoriety after members carried out attacks targeting Christians in Pakistan, shedding light on their readiness to resort to violence against various communities they view as adversaries. Additionally, members of JeM have been implicated in assaults against the Pakistani state itself, illustrating a willingness to challenge their own government if it diverges from their extremist goals. The abduction and subsequent murder of American journalist Daniel Pearl by Ahmed Omar Sheikh, a member affiliated with JeM, highlights the organization’s reach beyond regional conflicts and underscores its capacity for international terrorism.
Through these actions and ideologies, JeM has established itself as a significant player within the landscape of South Asian militancy, leading to increased security concerns both regionally and globally. The organization's hostility towards both Western and Indian forces reflects a broader trend of radical Islamist movements that often frame their struggles through the lens of a perceived existential threat to Islam, further complicating efforts for peace and stability in the region.
Leadership and Origins of Jaish-e-Mohammed
Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) was founded by Maulana Masood Azhar, a prominent figure with a history rooted in Islamic militancy. Before establishing JeM, Azhar was affiliated with Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, another militant organization. His training at the Jamia Uloom-ul-Islamia in Karachi, a religious seminary known for producing radical leaders, links him to influential figures like the Taliban's founder, Mullah Omar. Throughout his career, Azhar has maintained extensive connections to both the Taliban and Al-Qaeda, having participated in the Afghan jihad against Soviet forces. He later established Harkat-affiliated activities in conflict zones such as Chechnya, Central Asia, and Somalia, where he allegedly instructed Somali militants in operating sophisticated weaponry, including tactics to shoot down American Black Hawk helicopters.
The course of Azhar's life took a significant turn in 1994 when he journeyed to Indian-administered Kashmir for what was described as a "mission." His subsequent arrest by Indian security forces led to heightened international attention, especially from Osama bin Laden, who reportedly pressured Al-Qaeda operatives to orchestrate a hijacking in order to secure Azhar's release. Upon his freedom, Azhar became a celebrated figure in Pakistan, receiving support and promotion from the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) as he assumed the leadership of JeM. In recognition of his militant actions and affiliations, the U.S. Treasury Department designated him as a "global Islamic terrorist" in 2010.
Family Involvement in JeM Leadership
Masood Azhar's leadership of JeM is characterized by strong familial ties, creating a dynamic that resembles a family-run enterprise. His brother, Abdul Rauf Asghar, plays a critical role as a senior leader and the group's intelligence coordinator. Asghar's notoriety includes his involvement in the hijacking of Indian Airlines Flight IC 814, an event that drew significant international scrutiny and contributed to heightened tensions between India and Pakistan. During times when Masood Azhar was less active, Asghar has stepped in as the "acting leader" of JeM, notably during Azhar's absence in 2007.
Since 2008, Abdul Rauf Asghar has been intimately involved in orchestrating suicide attacks across India. His role in the 2016 Pathankot attack, during which he directed militants via telephone, underscores JeM's operational capabilities and the strategic planning that underpins their violent activities. Similar to his brother, Asghar has also been designated as a "global terrorist" by the U.S. Treasury Department, reflecting the international community's response to the persistent threat posed by JeM. The organization remains an enduring concern for Indian security forces due to its strategic significance in regional militancy and persistent insurgent activities.
Recent Developments
In 2023, a troubling incident for JeM occurred with the mysterious assassination of one of its commanders, Shahid Latif, in Daska town, located in the Sialkot district of Pakistan. The motives behind Latif's death remain unclear, but it highlights the volatile nature of militant group leadership and the potential for internal strife or external pressures within the organization. The fate of such figures often has implications for continuity and operational efficiency within groups like JeM, impacting their capacity to coordinate attacks and maintain a cohesive strategy against their adversaries. As the geopolitical landscape evolves, the leadership and significant actions of groups like Jaish-e-Mohammed will continue to influence the complex interactions of militancy, state responses, and international counter-terrorism efforts.
Membership of JeM
The Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) organization was officially launched in 2000 in Karachi, Pakistan, with a significant display of strength, attracting around 10,000 armed followers. This robust initial support base was primarily composed of members from Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, a group that had previously fought in the Afghan conflict in alliance with the Taliban and Al Qaeda. The experiences and affiliations of these fighters ingrained in them a deep-seated loyalty to these militant entities, alongside a palpable hostility towards the United States and its allies.
A substantial portion of JeM's membership is rooted in the Punjab province of Pakistan, particularly from the districts of Multan, Bahawalpur, and Rahim Yar Khan. This demographic concentration can be attributed to the region being a significant ethnic stronghold of the Pakistani military. The Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) assumed that the shared ethnicity and cultural background of these recruits would foster alignment with the military's strategic objectives. Besides the local membership, JeM's ranks have also included a diverse array of international fighters, comprising both Afghans and Arabs. Noteworthy is the influx of Western militants, including individuals of Pakistani descent who have connected with JeM. Among them are Rashid Rauf, known for his role in a 2006 plot targeting transatlantic airliners; Shehzad Tanweer, emblematic of the 2005 London Underground bombings; and Ahmed Omar Sheikh, infamous for the murder of journalist Daniel Pearl.
JeM's trajectory saw a dramatic shift following a split in 2002, leading many original fighters to dissociate from the group and join splinter factions. However, the organization witnessed a resurgence in 2009, attempting to restructure its forces. At that time, estimates suggested that JeM maintained an operational strength of between one and two thousand fighters, supplemented by several thousand individuals in auxiliary support roles. The leader of JeM, Masood Azhar, claimed to have around 300 suicide attackers under his command, highlighting the group's continued commitment to employing extreme forms of violence for its cause. The landscape of JeM's membership, characterized by a blend of local and international fighters and evolving alliances, underscores the organization's persistent relevance in the complex web of regional militancy and geopolitics.
JeM Training Infrastructure
Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) has a significant and well-established infrastructure dedicated to its militant operations, reflecting its adaptation to various geopolitical changes in the region. Originally, JeM operated training camps in Afghanistan alongside other militant organizations. However, following the fall of the Taliban government, the organization strategically relocated its training facilities to more secure locations within Pakistan. This included Balakot and Peshawar in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, as well as Muzaffarabad in the Pakistan-administered territory of Kashmir.
By 2009, JeM had established a new headquarters in Bahawalpur, located in Pakistani Punjab, approximately 420 miles south of Islamabad. This site has become a central hub for its operations, featuring both a madrassa and a 6.5-acre walled complex that serves multiple functions. The training facility offers diverse training programs, including water-based activities and horseback riding, which are designed to enhance the combat readiness of its recruits. Bahawalpur is particularly important as it serves as a rest and recuperation center for jihadists returning from combat zones in Afghanistan, which is critical given the risks posed by US drone strikes in more active conflict regions.
Furthermore, Bahawalpur's strategic location allows for interaction and collaboration with other militant groups believed to be allies or operational partners of JeM. Notable groups in proximity include Lashkar-e-Taiba in Muridke and Sipah-e-Sahaba in Gojra, along with Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, all of which operate within the Punjab province. The existence of at least 500 to 1,000 madrassas in Bahawalpur highlights the region's role as a breeding ground for extremist ideologies, where many institutions propagate a violent interpretation of Islam to young students. This extensive network not only nurtures individuals into militant ranks but also fosters a culture of radicalization, which poses ongoing challenges to regional stability and security.
Publications and Their Role in Jihadist Propaganda
Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), like many other jihadist organizations in India, utilizes a variety of print and digital media to disseminate its ideological beliefs and narratives. One of the prominent print publications is the weekly magazine "Al-Qalam," which is published in both Urdu and English. This publication serves as a platform for the organization to articulate its vision, share its ideological tenets, and reach a broader audience, including both local and international readers. Additionally, the group produces "Ayeshatul Binat," a monthly publication that specifically targets women, aiming to engage them in the group's discourse and encourage their involvement in its ideological framework. For the younger demographic, "Musalman Bachy" is published weekly, providing content that is tailored to educate children on the organization's perspectives and narratives, often using stories and illustrations to resonate with this impressionable audience.
In the digital age, JeM has adapted its strategies to include e-publications, primarily disseminated through platforms like Telegram. These channels not only highlight the organization's military successes and operational achievements against the Indian Army but also serve as a means of communicating messages from the group's leadership. This digital presence enables JeM to maintain a relatively anonymous yet widespread dissemination of information, allowing them to engage with supporters, recruit new members, and reinforce their narrative without the constraints of traditional media. The strategic use of both print and digital media reflects the organization's commitment to utilizing all available resources to promote its agenda and secure ideological loyalty among its followers.
Historical Connections to Other Organizations
Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) was established with strong affiliations to key militant organizations such as the Taliban and Al-Qaeda. During its formative years, JeM utilized the shared training camps in Afghanistan that were fundamental to these groups, allowing them to exchange intelligence, training programs, and cooperative strategies. Renowned scholar Bruce Riedel posits that the infamous 2001 attack on the Indian Parliament may have been retaliatory in nature, serving as a "payback" to Al-Qaeda for their past assistance in facilitating the release of Masood Azhar, JeM's founder. This sequence of events prompted Pakistan to relocate its military forces from the Afghan border to face Indian threats, consequently alleviating the pressure on Al-Qaeda forces in the region.
Following the initial phase of its formation, many JeM members aligned with the Taliban transitioned to various renegade factions by 2002. However, under the leadership of Masood Azhar, JeM reemerged as a significant recruiter's base for fighters intending to partake in the Afghan jihad by 2008. By 2010, Pakistan's Interior Minister Rehman Malik highlighted the ties between JeM, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, and Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan, categorizing them as allied forces with a collective commitment to operational activities within the region. Scholars Abou Zahab and Roy have remarked that these organizations operate almost as a singular entity, albeit with distinct operational focuses.
Relationships with Other Militant Groups
JeM's historical ties extend to its predecessor, Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, reinforcing its identity within the larger spectrum of Islamist militancy. Additionally, the group has operational links to Lashkar-e-Taiba, notably employing them in executing the 2001 Indian Parliament assault. Furthermore, JeM became a member of the ISI-backed United Jihad Council, a coalition comprising 13 to 16 militant groups focused on insurgency within Indian-administered Kashmir, strengthening its operational capacity and reach.
A notable offshoot, Khuddam ul-Islam, has emerged as a militant splinter group of JeM. Recognized as a Proscribed Organisation in the United Kingdom under the Terrorism Act of 2000, Khuddam ul-Islam reportedly has political connections with Maulana Fazal-ur-Rehman’s faction of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam. There is a growing belief among certain sources that Khuddam ul-Islam is essentially a restructured version of JeM, operating under the leadership of Mufti Abdul Rauf Asghar, who is the younger brother of Masood Azhar. This connection further emphasizes the layered and complex relationships among these militant entities, alongside their shared goals of promoting jihadist ideologies.
Notable Attacks
Jaish-e-Mohammed, a militant group with a significant operational presence in South Asia, has been tied to several high-profile attacks, one of the most infamous being the 2001 Indian Parliament attack in New Delhi. This coordinated assault not only shook the Indian government but also led to heightened tensions between India and Pakistan, emphasizing the intricate relationship between state-sponsored terrorism and geopolitical instability in the region. The group's collaboration with another militant organization, Lashkar-e-Taiba, has further underscored the complexities of terror networks that operate across borders.
The organization has also been linked to the murder of Daniel Pearl, an American journalist who was kidnapped in Karachi in 2002. His brutal killing was a stark reminder of the dangers journalists face in conflict zones and raised awareness about the challenges of reporting in regions plagued by extremist factions. The implications of Pearl's murder continue to resonate, especially in discussions about freedom of the press and the safety of journalists in hostile territories.
In a more recent incident, Jaish-e-Mohammed attempted to kidnap prominent Indian politician Rahul Gandhi as part of a failed plot aimed at securing the release of 42 militants imprisoned in India. This plot, which involved three Pakistani nationals—Mohammed Abid, Yusuf, and Mirza Rashid Beg—demonstrated the group's willingness to engage in high-stakes operations that could significantly influence political landscapes in India. Rahul Gandhi, a key figure in the Indian political scene and a member of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty, became a target reflecting the group's ideological motivations and strategic objectives.
Jaish-e-Mohammed's global reach was further evidenced in May 2009 when an informant, who posed as a member of the group, assisted in the arrest of four individuals allegedly plotting bombing attacks on a synagogue in New York City and targeting U.S. military aircraft with Stinger missiles. This plot highlighted the perilous nature of homegrown terrorism in the United States and the potential for international terrorist groups to inspire and collaborate with domestic extremists.
The group's notoriety surged again with attacks in India, including the January 2016 Pathankot attack and a September 2016 assault on an army camp in Uri, Kashmir. These incidents reflected the ongoing conflict in Kashmir and the broader implications for national security in India, where separatist movements and militant activities have been a persistent challenge.
One of the most devastating attacks attributed to Jaish-e-Mohammed occurred on February 14, 2019, when a suicide bomber named Adil Ahmad Dar targeted a convoy of Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) personnel in Pulwama, Jammu & Kashmir, killing at least 40 soldiers. This attack not only resulted in significant loss of life but also intensified national sentiments in India against Pakistan, ultimately leading to escalated military confrontations in the region. The Pulwama incident serves as a grim reminder of the urgent need for dialogues on counter-terrorism strategies and regional stability.