History prior to the first East Asia Summit
The genesis of the East Asia Grouping can be traced back to 1991, when then-Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad introduced the concept. His vision aimed to enhance regional cooperation and integration among East Asian nations, setting a foundation for future collaborative initiatives. This was a pivotal idea in the post-Cold War era, where the need for effective regional coordination in economic and political matters was becoming increasingly evident.
By 2002, the East Asian Study Group, which was established by the countries involved in the ASEAN Plus Three framework—ASEAN members along with China, Japan, and South Korea—produced a final report outlining the potential structure of the East Asia Summit (EAS). This report emphasized that the summit should focus on ASEAN-led growth initiatives. However, a key challenge arose when discussions turned to the potential extension of membership beyond the initial ASEAN Plus Three configuration, leading to debates on the inclusion of other significant nations such as Australia, New Zealand, and India.
The decision to convene the East Asia Summit was solidified during the 2004 ASEAN Plus Three summit, which marked a significant milestone in regional diplomacy. It was during this summit that the scope and membership were further defined, culminating in an agreement at the ASEAN Plus Three Ministerial Meeting in Laos in July 2005. Initially, the EAS included 16 countries: the ten ASEAN members plus China, Japan, South Korea, India, Australia, and New Zealand. Malaysia's pivotal role in the discussions and negotiations at the 2004 summit is often recognized, as the country played a crucial part in promoting the establishment of the EAS, thereby solidifying its commitment to enhancing regional collaboration in East Asia. This multi-national gathering would later evolve into an important platform for dialogue and cooperation on a wide array of issues, including economic development, security challenges, and cultural exchanges within the burgeoning East Asian context.
Early Summits
The inception of the East Asia Summit (EAS) was marked by considerable deliberation regarding the selection of participating countries. The geopolitical landscape was complex, particularly among the "Plus Three" nations, which include Japan, China, and South Korea, all members of the ASEAN Plus Three framework. During this period, the relationship among these countries faced challenges due to concerns over rising Chinese influence in the region. Additionally, the inclusion of countries like India and Australia, alongside New Zealand to a lesser extent, was perceived as a strategic effort to counterbalance China's growing power, which limited the immediate impact and achievements of the inaugural summit.
The first EAS took place in 2005, where Russia expressed keen interest in membership and participated as an observer, having been invited by Malaysia, the summit host that year. This early involvement indicated Russia's strategic intent to strengthen its ties with Asia and engage in multilateral discussions within the region. The participation of Russia was seen as an opportunity to deepen discussions on regional security and economic cooperation, adding an influential voice to the proceedings.
The 2006 EAS, originally scheduled for December 13 in Metro Cebu, Philippines, was poised to build on the initial confidence established during the first summit. This meeting aimed to clarify the future direction of the EAS, its relationship with ASEAN Plus Three, and the role of Russia moving forward. However, the unexpected arrival of Tropical Typhoon Utor necessitated a postponement of the summit. It was rescheduled for January 15, 2007, allowing the members to conduct their discussions in a conducive environment about a month later than originally planned. The delay highlighted the importance of adaptability in the face of natural challenges and underscored the need for regional collaboration in disaster response, an issue especially pertinent to countries in the Asia-Pacific region.
Internal ASEAN Issues and Their Impact on Summits
The ASEAN region has faced significant internal challenges that have influenced the agenda of its summits, notably the issues surrounding Myanmar and climate change. Following the mass civil unrest in Myanmar in 2007, triggered by anti-government protests, this topic became a focal point for discussion during the Third East Asia Summit (EAS). However, Myanmar's government effectively stifled formal dialogue regarding its internal matters, highlighting the complexities of addressing sensitive national issues within a multilateral platform. Despite this blockade, the summit was able to produce the Singapore Declaration on Climate Change, Energy and the Environment, reflecting the growing consensus on the need to address climate-related challenges collectively.
Additionally, the summit made strides towards economic collaboration by establishing the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia. This institution is intended to facilitate research and policy dialogue, contributing to deeper economic integration. There was also an agreement to review the final report on the Comprehensive Economic Partnership for East Asia, indicating that ASEAN countries were looking toward substantial advancements in economic partnerships in the region, despite the prevailing internal issues.
Delays and Rescheduling of the Fourth EAS
The Fourth East Asia Summit experienced significant delays and disruptions, largely due to political unrest in Thailand, which served as the host nation. Compounding the situation were border conflicts between Thailand and Cambodia, demonstrating how regional tensions can influence diplomatic gatherings. The protests that took over the venue on the scheduled day of the summit ultimately led to its cancellation, further illustrating the impact of internal strife on regional diplomacy.
After a period of uncertainty, the summit was successfully rescheduled and took place on 25 October 2009. During this meeting, leaders adopted crucial statements on disaster relief—a topic of increasing importance in the face of natural calamities affecting the region—and took significant steps towards establishing the Nalanda University, reflecting a commitment to educational collaboration. These developments underscored the resilience of ASEAN in addressing internal challenges while striving to enhance cooperation on broader issues like disaster management and educational advancement.
The evolving dynamics within ASEAN illustrate the delicate balance between addressing internal concerns of member states and fostering cooperative regional initiatives. As the organization continues to navigate these complexities, the outcomes of such summits are instrumental in shaping the future direction of Southeast Asian cooperation.
Expansion of Membership
The Summit has expanded its membership from 16 to 18 nations, significantly enhancing its geopolitical representation by including the United States and Russia. This decision was made after a thorough review process that assessed the strategic dynamics within the region and the increasing importance of these two major powers in global affairs. During their initial participation at the Fifth East Asian Summit (EAS), both countries were represented by their Foreign Ministers. However, it was at the Sixth EAS that they were formally invited to become permanent members of the Summit, reaffirming their commitment to addressing regional and international challenges collaboratively.
Challenges of Collaboration
Despite the inclusivity brought about by the new members, the Summit continues to face challenges in developing a more ambitious and cohesive program. Ongoing tensions between the participating nations, particularly among the existing members and the newly added powers, hinder the Summit's ability to foster effective dialogue and cooperation. Disagreements over strategic interests, economic policies, and security concerns may complicate collaborative efforts, leading to a fragmented approach in addressing key regional issues such as trade disputes, climate change, and security threats.
The presence of both the United States and Russia introduces additional layers of complexity, as their relationships with other nations in the Summit can differ significantly. For instance, while some member countries may lean towards stronger ties with the U.S., others may prioritize their relationships with Russia, resulting in a delicate balancing act for the organization. Ultimately, the success of the Summit will depend on its ability to navigate these tensions while creating a unified strategy that benefits all member nations and reinforces regional stability.
Cebu Declaration on East Asian Energy Security
At the Second East Asia Summit (EAS), the participants came together to address pressing energy security challenges faced by the region. The culmination of these discussions led to the signing of the Cebu Declaration on East Asian Energy Security. This declaration focuses on enhancing energy cooperation among EAS members while emphasizing the importance of diversifying energy sources and improving energy efficiency.
One significant aspect of the Cebu Declaration is its commitment to biofuels as a viable alternative energy source. As the world grapples with the consequences of climate change and depleting fossil fuel reserves, biofuels present an opportunity for sustainable energy development. The declaration highlights the need for member countries to explore the use of renewable resources, such as agricultural products and waste materials, in the production of biofuels. This shift not only supports energy security but also encourages rural economic development through agriculture.
Furthermore, the Cebu Declaration encourages member states to establish non-binding targets aimed at improving energy security. Although these targets are not legally enforceable, they serve as an important framework for collaborative efforts among EAS members. By setting shared goals, nations can work together to enhance energy efficiency, reduce dependence on imported fuels, and invest in clean energy technologies. This collaborative approach also paves the way for greater stability in energy supply, vital for economic growth and development in the region.
In summary, the Cebu Declaration on East Asian Energy Security marks a significant step in fostering cooperation among EAS countries in addressing energy challenges. By focusing on renewable energy sources such as biofuels and establishing collaborative targets, member nations are taking proactive measures to ensure a more sustainable and secure energy future for East Asia.
Trade and the Comprehensive Economic Partnership in East Asia (CEPEA)
Trade is a central theme in discussions surrounding regional cooperation and economic integration in East Asia. The Second East Asia Summit (EAS) emphasized the importance of ASEAN’s efforts to enhance integration and solidarity among member states. In the Chair’s report, it was highlighted that participants reaffirmed their commitment to work together to reduce development disparities within the region. A significant aspect of this commitment includes supporting ASEAN’s pivotal role in spearheading economic integration, which has become increasingly relevant as global trade dynamics evolve.
A key initiative discussed was the proposed Comprehensive Economic Partnership for East Asia (CEPEA). The EAS members agreed to initiate a Track Two study to explore the feasibility and framework for CEPEA. This endeavor involves a collaborative effort where the ASEAN Secretariat was entrusted with outlining a timeline for the study and inviting participating countries to appoint their representatives. This study aims to assess the potential benefits and challenges of establishing a comprehensive economic partnership that could enhance trade and investment among EAS nations. Additionally, Japan's introduction of the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA) was recently welcomed, aiming to provide a platform for economic research to support regional economic integration.
However, the pathway to a fully realized CEPEA may face significant obstacles. Lee Kuan Yew’s comparison of the relationship between Southeast Asia and India to that of the European Community and Turkey suggests that achieving a robust free-trade area that encompasses Southeast Asia and India could take decades, potentially spanning 30 to 50 years. While EAS members express their intention to study CEPEA, the Track Two report is expected to be finalized by mid-2008, with discussions slated for the subsequent Fourth EAS. The positives from the Second EAS included a commitment to foster continued dialogue and collaboration regarding regional economic initiatives.
The Declaration of the Fifth Anniversary of the East Asia Summit further underscored the collective commitment among members to intensify efforts in advancing economic cooperation. The declaration focused on prioritizing various areas to bolster regional integration, emphasizing support for the realization of the ASEAN Community as well as initiatives such as ASEAN Plus Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). Concurrently, countries have commenced multiple Look-East connectivity projects aimed at bolstering ties with China and ASEAN nations, illustrating the ongoing dedication to enhancing cross-regional trade and connectivity. Through continued initiatives and cooperative efforts, EAS members are striving to navigate the road towards more integrated and prosperous economic landscapes in East Asia.
East Asian Community Development
The establishment of the East Asia Summit (EAS) raised critical questions regarding the potential emergence of an East Asian Community. Discussions predominantly revolved around whether this future community would evolve from the EAS framework or the ASEAN Plus Three model. Prior to the EAS's formation, ASEAN Plus Three appeared poised to spearhead community-building initiatives within the region. Malaysia, a key member of ASEAN, underscored its position that ASEAN Plus Three retained its role in community-building leading up to the second EAS meeting, despite prevailing "confusion" among stakeholders about the direction of regional cooperation. This sentiment found some resonance with China, which appeared to align with this viewpoint, while nations like Japan and India advocated for a stronger emphasis on the EAS as the main driver for the East Asian Community.
Following the inaugural EAS, the feasibility of this platform acting as a community-building mechanism was called into question. Notably, Ong Keng Yong, the then Secretary-General of ASEAN, famously referred to the EAS as merely a "brainstorming forum." However, the dynamics began to shift as subsequent meetings revealed a collective recognition of the EAS's potential contributions. The Chairman’s Press Statement from the Seventh ASEAN Plus Three Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Kuala Lumpur on July 26, 2006, acknowledged the importance of the EAS in facilitating dialogue on strategic, political, and economic matters in the region, ultimately supporting the long-term ambition of an East Asian Community.
As years progressed, discussions transitioned from whether the EAS could facilitate community-building to examining its role relative to ASEAN Plus Three. By mid-2006, the Chinese state media outlet Xinhua proposed a phased approach to community development, asserting that ASEAN Plus Three would form the foundational phase, paving the way for the EAS to play a subsequent role. This perspective was echoed in the China-India joint declaration on November 21, 2006, which directly connected the EAS to the broader East Asian Community process. Reflecting on this community architecture, the concentric circle model emerged, envisioning ASEAN at the core, followed by ASEAN Plus Three, with the EAS occupying the outermost ring. This model was underscored by the Second Joint Statement on East Asia Cooperation, indicating that ASEAN Plus Three would continue to serve as the principal conduit towards realizing an East Asian Community, with support from various regional platforms such as EAS, ARF, APEC, and ASEM.
Community-building in East Asia is recognized as a long-term endeavor rather than a rapid achievement. However, optimism began to surface after the second EAS, particularly from Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who expressed his belief that the EAS could indeed catalyze the formation of this community. China, too, seemed to adopt a similar outlook, recognizing the potential of the EAS as a unifying force. A pivotal component of this evolving community would be the proposed Comprehensive Economic Partnership for East Asia (CEPEA), which has been viewed as a fundamental step toward economic integration. While the second EAS raised expectations for CEPEA, it is essential to note that it remains a proposal, reflecting the tentative nature of these developments. Some analysts have posed challenges to the EAS's viability, suggesting that its configuration as an "anti-region" could impede the formation of a cohesive community, underscoring the complexities involved in East Asian regional cooperation.
The Complexity of Relationships Among Regional Groupings
The interplay between the East Asia Summit (EAS) and ASEAN Plus Three remains a source of contention and ambiguity within the region. The ASEAN Plus Three, established in December 1997, includes member states from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) plus China, Japan, and South Korea. Over the years, it has had notable achievements, such as the Chiang Mai Initiative which aimed to foster regional financial stability and cooperation, eventually contributing to discussions surrounding the development of an Asian Monetary Unit. This foundational work underscores the longstanding commitment of these nations to enhance economic and financial linkages, a key consideration for those advocating for an expanded role of the EAS in the future.
Tensions between these two groupings are particularly evident in the context of prospective Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). Countries within the ASEAN Plus Three framework often focus on trade negotiations with China and South Korea, while broader EAS discussions tend to emphasize Japan and other EAS members. This strategic divergence highlights differing priorities and perceived benefits of each grouping, reflecting the complex economic interdependencies that characterize the East Asian region.
The significance of regional cooperation gained greater urgency during the 1997 Asian financial crisis, a pivotal moment that showcased the vulnerabilities within the region's economies. In response, ASEAN Plus Three began to emerge as a crucial framework for collaborative initiatives, which served not only to stabilize economies but also to facilitate deeper discussions about regional integration. While EAS has been positioned as a complementary forum, its relevance has been questioned by some members. Former Australian Prime Minister John Howard has articulated a vision where APEC holds a superior role in regional summits, asserting that EAS is secondary in significance. However, it is important to note that not all EAS members, including India, participate in APEC, highlighting a potential gap in representation and discourse within regional dialogues.
The ongoing scheduling of EAS meetings alongside ASEAN Plus Three reflects an intent to unify these forums in the eyes of their members. Yet, this co-timed approach raises questions about the distinct identities and functions of the groups. China, on its part, has publicly expressed support for both EAS and ASEAN Plus Three existing concurrently, underscoring a diplomatic balance that seeks to preserve multilateral engagement in the region. As discussions continued leading up to the 2007 APEC meeting, the characterization of ASEAN Plus Three as the principal vehicle for regional cooperation became even more pronounced, with figures like Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi advocating for its primacy. Commentary suggesting a concentric circle model places ASEAN Plus Three at the core, with APEC as an outer layer, further emphasizes the shifting attitudes toward the roles of these groupings.
As regional dynamics evolve, the relationships among EAS, ASEAN Plus Three, and APEC are likely to continue adapting, requiring ongoing dialogue and assessment to ensure their relevance and effectiveness in addressing the challenges facing member states in East Asia. Each forum presents unique opportunities for cooperation, yet the quest for cohesion within the broader regional framework remains a delicate balancing act amidst varying national interests.
Russia's Involvement in the East Asia Summit
Russia first engaged with the East Asia Summit (EAS) as an observer during the inaugural meeting hosted by Malaysia in 2005. This invitation not only highlighted Russia's interest in participating in regional dialogues but also marked its intentions to become more integrated within the East Asian community. Following this initial participation, Russia formally expressed its desire to transition from an observer to a full member of the EAS. This request garnered support from significant regional powers, particularly China and India, which reflected the geopolitical dynamics of the time and indicated a collective push towards a more inclusive forum.
However, ASEAN adopted a cautious approach regarding the expansion of EAS membership. During the second and third summits, ASEAN decided to temporarily freeze the admission of new members, indicating a deliberate strategy to stabilize the existing dynamics within the group. This decision was rooted in the desire to maintain the integrity and objectives of the EAS and ensure that further participation would not compromise its effectiveness as a platform for dialogue and cooperation.
The conversation around potential new members continued to evolve, as evidenced by the discussions recorded in the Chairman's Statement of the 16th ASEAN Summit, held on April 9, 2010. The statement emphasized the complementary roles of various regional frameworks, including ASEAN+3, EAS, and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), in fostering cooperation and dialogue in East Asia. In this broader context, the summit encouraged both Russia and the United States to enhance their roles within this evolving regional architecture, signaling ASEAN’s intent to embrace a diverse range of perspectives and contributions.
Ultimately, in a significant development for regional diplomacy, ASEAN extended formal invitations to the United States and Russia in 2011, thus allowing them to join the EAS. This move was indicative of ASEAN's recognition of the importance of including key global players in the dialogue processes that shape East Asia's future. The inclusion of Russia and the U.S. not only enhanced the geopolitical significance of the EAS but also provided an opportunity to address multifaceted regional challenges collaboratively.
US Involvement in the East Asia Summit
The United States has played a crucial role in multilateral discussions and initiatives in the Asia-Pacific region, particularly in relation to the East Asia Summit (EAS). Japan and India, recognizing the strategic benefits, actively supported the inclusion of the United States and Russia in this forum prior to their eventual invitations. This expansion was seen as a step towards enhancing regional security and promoting economic collaboration among major powers in the region.
In a pivotal moment for US foreign policy, President Barack Obama declared during his presidency that the United States should identify as "an Asia Pacific nation," signifying a shift in focus towards greater engagement in Asian affairs. This statement underscored the importance of Asia-Pacific dynamics in global politics and the necessity for the US to be actively involved in discussions impacting the region. Following this assertion, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton participated in the Fifth EAS held in October 2010, marking a significant engagement with East Asian leaders and highlighting the US commitment to partnership with Asia.
Moreover, President Obama's attendance at the Sixth East Asia Summit in November 2011 represented a further solidification of US ties with regional powers. His presence at these summits was not only a diplomatic gesture but also a robust affirmation of the US’s role as a stabilizing force in Asia. Through participation in the EAS, the United States aimed to address pressing regional issues such as security threats, economic cooperation, and environmental challenges, thereby facilitating a more integrated approach to regional governance and diplomacy. As of now, the continued involvement of the United States in the EAS indicates a mutual recognition of the importance of collective efforts in addressing common challenges faced within the Asia-Pacific context.
Introduction to ASEAN + 8
In the context of regional cooperation and diplomatic engagement in Asia, the concept of "ASEAN + 8" began gaining traction around April and May of 2010. This grouping intends to include the ten member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), along with eight other significant partners—specifically, the members of the East Asia Summit (EAS) along with Russia and the United States. This proposal reflects an effort to enhance collaboration among a broader coalition of nations, recognizing the evolving geopolitical landscape in the region.
Logistical Challenges and Meeting Frequency
However, the implementation of ASEAN + 8 presents certain challenges, particularly regarding the logistics and commitment required from the United States. Unlike the East Asia Summit, which has established a more regular meeting rhythm, ASEAN + 8 meetings may not occur with the same frequency. The involvement of the U.S. President is a significant factor, as scheduling an annual Asian meeting could be logistically complicated. Therefore, it is suggested that gatherings of this new grouping might take place every two to three years, strategically aligning them with the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) meetings that also occur in the region. This aligns the interests of both economic leaders and regional partners in addressing pressing challenges.
Broader Implications for Regional Cooperation
The potential establishment of ASEAN + 8 carries broader implications for regional governance and cooperation. By including major powers like the United States and Russia, the forum could facilitate discussions on critical issues such as trade, security, and environmental concerns, which are ever more pressing in a rapidly changing global environment. Additionally, it underscores the importance of including both traditional and emerging powers in dialogues that shape the future of regional dynamics. The inclusion of diverse perspectives from the ASEAN member states and their eight partners can foster greater understanding and collaboration on transnational issues.
Conclusion and Future Prospects
In summary, the ASEAN + 8 proposal represents a calculated move to expand the scope of regional dialogue and cooperation. While logistical hurdles persist, the potential for this grouping to evolve into a significant platform for addressing critical regional and global issues remains promising. As geopolitical tensions and economic interdependencies grow, the successful implementation and development of ASEAN + 8 could play a vital role in shaping a cooperative framework that benefits all member nations and promotes stability in the Asia-Pacific region.
East Timor and Papua New Guinea are two countries in the Southeast Asian region that have expressed aspirations to strengthen their involvement in regional organizations, particularly the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). East Timor, also known as Timor-Leste, has been a candidate for ASEAN membership since 2006. This pursuit reflects its desire for greater political and economic integration within the Southeast Asian community. The country aims to become a full ASEAN member within a five-year timeframe, a goal that highlights its commitment to regional cooperation and development.
Papua New Guinea, while not yet a member of ASEAN, has also indicated a strong intention to join the organization. The inclusion of Papua New Guinea would expand the ASEAN family to encompass more of the Pacific region, potentially enhancing trade relations and cultural exchanges. Both East Timor and Papua New Guinea's aspirations must be evaluated against the broader backdrop of ASEAN's principles, which prioritize regional stability, economic growth, and mutual respect among member states.
Should both East Timor and Papua New Guinea successfully obtain membership in ASEAN, they would also likely become members of the East Asia Summit (EAS). The EAS serves as a significant platform for dialogue and cooperation on regional issues, particularly in areas such as security, economic growth, and environmental sustainability. Membership in these organizations would provide both countries with opportunities for increased investment, trade partnerships, and collaboration on pressing regional issues, further enhancing their socio-economic development and political stability. The journey toward membership for East Timor and Papua New Guinea exemplifies the evolving landscape of regional alliances in Southeast Asia.
Other Countries and Groupings
Over the years, particularly since the initiation of the East Asia Summit (EAS), there has been increasing interest from various countries to engage with this significant platform for regional cooperation and dialogue. The EAS, established in 2005, aims to promote peace, security, and prosperity in East Asia and the broader region. In 2006, Malaysia put forth the names of Pakistan and Mongolia as potential future members, highlighting the summit's expanding horizon. This consideration was echoed again in 2010 by Vietnam, which was then chairing the EAS, showcasing the ongoing discussions of enhancing the group's membership. Japan further amplified this trend in 2007 by proposing both Pakistan and Bangladesh as suitable candidates for inclusion, indicating a desire to broaden the geographical representation within the summit.
Additionally, in 2007, the European Union expressed its interest in participating as an observer at the summit, recognizing the EAS as a critical forum for addressing regional challenges. This was paralleled by the Arab League in 2008, which also sought a role as an observer, revealing the importance of the EAS in global diplomatic and economic dialogues. More recently, in 2017, further proposals included Sri Lanka and the Maldives as potential members, illustrating that the East Asia Summit continues to attract interest from additional South Asian nations as they look to engage in a platform focused on broadening regional collaboration. Notably, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau of Canada attended the summit as a special guest, marking a significant engagement of a non-Asian nation with the workings of the EAS.
Summit Hosts and Notable Attendees
The East Asia Summit has witnessed various host countries and key leaders over the years. The inaugural summit took place on December 14, 2005, in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, led by Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. A distinguished guest, Russian President Vladimir Putin, also attended, marking the importance of Russia's participation from the start. The following summit in January 2007 was hosted in the Philippines, where President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo facilitated discussions that initially had to be rescheduled due to an unforeseen natural disaster, Typhoon Seniang. Here, the Cebu Declaration on East Asian Energy Security was established, emphasizing the focus on energy collaboration in the region.
Over the years, notable issues have colored the discussions at subsequent summits, such as the territorial disputes in the South and East China Sea during the 2012 summit in Cambodia, which highlighted the challenges of fostering trade and economic cooperation within a complex geopolitical environment. Moreover, the summits held in 2020 and 2021 were unique due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, leading to an online format and restrictions on participation, particularly concerning Myanmar's junta leaders following the 2021 coup d'état. The longstanding commitment of the EAS to include various nations and foster cooperation amidst evolving political landscapes exemplifies its significance as a regional platform for dialogue, enhancing multilateral relationships in East Asia.
In 2023, Indonesia hosted the summit, continuing the tradition of rotating leadership among member states. The upcoming summit scheduled for October 2024 in Laos signifies the ongoing relevance of the EAS and its adaptability to the dynamic geopolitical landscape. The East Asia Summit remains a vital entity in facilitating discussions on critical issues while expanding its influence by considering participation from non-member states striving for regional cooperation and dialogue.