Background and Key Figures
Pakatan Harapan (PH) emerged as a significant coalition in Malaysia's political landscape, initially uniting four political parties: Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (BERSATU), Parti Amanah Negara (AMANAH), and the Democratic Action Party (DAP). Formed in 2015, PH marked a historical shift in Malaysian politics when it won the 2018 general election, defeating the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition that had maintained power for nearly six decades. This election was pivotal as it signified the first instance of a transfer of power among political parties at the federal level since Malaysia's independence. The victory brought Mahathir Mohamad back into the spotlight; he was elected as the seventh Prime Minister of Malaysia at the age of 92, making him the world's oldest serving prime minister. Mahathir had a storied political career, previously serving as the fourth prime minister from 1981 to 2003 under the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), which was part of the BN coalition. His departure from UMNO in 2016 to form BERSATU was motivated by his desire to challenge the then-prime minister Najib Razak, particularly after the controversies surrounding the 1MDB scandal.
A notable aspect of PH's evolution was the unexpected reconciliation between Mahathir and Anwar Ibrahim, the leader of PKR. The two had a complicated history; Anwar served as Mahathir's deputy prime minister from 1993 to 1998 before being dismissed and imprisoned on charges of corruption. After his release, Anwar faced additional legal troubles, culminating in a sodomy charge that led to another imprisonment in 2014. However, he was granted a royal pardon in 2018 by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Muhammad V of Kelantan, shortly before the general elections. Mahathir's agreement to eventually hand over the prime ministership to Anwar within two years further solidified their political alliance, although this promise would later be a source of contention.
Within the coalition, other key figures played significant roles, including Azmin Ali, the deputy president of PKR. Introduced to Anwar by Mahathir, Azmin was regarded as somewhat of a protégé. His political trajectory saw him transition from UMNO to PKR after Anwar’s first imprisonment. Azmin gained notoriety during the controversial Kajang Move in 2014 when he was appointed as the Menteri Besar of Selangor, leading to significant political maneuvering. Despite initially aligning with Mahathir post-2018 election, Azmin's relationship with Anwar soured considerably, leading to allegations that he was obstructing Anwar's path to the prime ministership. Tensions reached a boiling point during PKR's annual national congress in December 2019 when Anwar hinted at treachery in his speech, which was broadly interpreted to reference Azmin.
Another prominent figure in this political narrative is Muhyiddin Yassin, who helped found BERSATU and served as its president. Previously a member of UMNO, Muhyiddin was Deputy Prime Minister under Najib Razak until he was ousted after voicing criticisms related to the 1MDB scandal. Following his return to the political scene after the 2018 elections, he assumed the role of Minister of Home Affairs.
In contrast, Ismail Sabri Yaakob and Ahmad Zahid Hamidi represented the continuity within the UMNO party post-2018. Ismail Sabri, a veteran politician, stepped into the role of Leader of the Opposition after the BN's defeat, while Ahmad Zahid, who became the 8th president of UMNO, served as Deputy Prime Minister to Najib Razak during critical years leading up to the general election.
Lastly, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, the constitutional monarch of Malaysia, plays an essential role in the political structure, having the authority to appoint the prime minister based on parliamentary majority support, as outlined in Article 43 of the Malaysian Constitution. Abdullah of Pahang, the current and 16th Yang di-Pertuan Agong, ascended the throne in January 2019, during a time when Malaysia's political landscape was in significant flux. The role of the Agong is pivotal, especially during moments of political turmoil, as his decisions can influence the stability of the government and the direction of the country.
COVID-19 Pandemic in Malaysia
The COVID-19 pandemic reached Malaysian shores in late January 2020, marking the beginning of a health crisis that would severely impact various facets of the nation. The first significant local outbreak was linked to a Tablighi Jamaat religious gathering in Kuala Lumpur, which took place in late February 2020. This event led to a substantial surge in COVID-19 cases, contributing to the rapid spread of the virus across the country and underscoring the challenges posed by mass gatherings during a pandemic.
As the situation escalated, Malaysia joined nations worldwide in grappling with the implications of the global health crisis. By March 2020, the Malaysian government was compelled to implement stringent measures to curtail the spread of the virus, including movement control orders (MCOs) that restricted travel and social interaction. These interventions were necessary to manage healthcare resources and prevent a collapse of the healthcare system, which was already under pressure due to the increasing number of confirmed cases.
The ramifications of the pandemic extended beyond public health. Economically, Malaysia faced significant challenges as businesses closed, tourism plummeted, and unemployment rates soared. The government announced various stimulus packages aimed at supporting individuals and businesses affected by the pandemic, acknowledging the dire need for economic resilience during such trying times. Furthermore, sectors such as retail, hospitality, and travel were hit particularly hard, fundamentally altering the economic landscape of the country.
Socially, the pandemic fostered a climate of uncertainty and fear among the population. Public awareness campaigns aimed at promoting health protocols like mask-wearing and social distancing became essential. Community resilience was also tested as Malaysians rallied to support one another through volunteer initiatives and grassroots movements aimed at providing assistance to vulnerable groups. The pandemic catalyzed a significant shift in lifestyle, leading to widespread adoption of remote working and online learning, further transforming societal norms.
Politically, the pandemic exacerbated existing tensions and complexities within the Malaysian political landscape. As the government navigated the challenges of managing a health crisis, questions surrounding leadership and governance emerged. The pandemic tested the robustness of Malaysia's political institutions and public trust, setting the stage for future political dynamics in a landscape forever altered by the health crisis. The interplay of health, economy, and politics during this tumultuous period shaped the response to the crisis and highlighted the interconnectedness of global events in the lives of everyday Malaysians.
Late-night Tensions
On the nights of February 21 and 22, 2020, the presidential council of the Pakatan Harapan coalition convened an urgent meeting to deliberate on a pivotal transition of power from Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad to his chosen successor, Anwar Ibrahim. This change was anticipated following commitments made during the 2018 general elections, where Anwar was hailed as the "Prime Minister-in-waiting." Reports indicate that Anwar was willing to acquiesce to Mahathir's request, allowing him to choose a resignation date post-APEC Malaysia 2020, scheduled for November.
Despite the surface of cooperation, the discussions were fraught with tension. Members expressed their concerns regarding Mahathir's impending departure timeline, which prompted a heated exchange among the leaders. Revelations later in May from a leaked audio recording exposed the sentiments shared during this meeting. Prominent figures like Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman, the Bersatu Youth chief, and Azmin Ali, the PKR deputy president, advised Mahathir against creating a timeline, suggesting it would render him a "lame-duck prime minister" as it would diminish his effectiveness leading up to his departure. Anwar's supporters were unwavering in their belief that he deserved to assume the role of prime minister, viewing it through the lens of the coalition's earlier pledges from their electoral victory on May 9, 2018.
Mahathir's Maneuvering
In the midst of this political instability, external reports portrayed Mahathir as strategizing to maintain his grip on power. It emerged that he was working to undermine Anwar's prospects by soliciting support from members of the opposition, particularly from the United Malays National Organization (Umno) and the Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS). This maneuver was aimed at forming a new coalition capable of establishing a unity government, thereby absolving him from the obligation to transfer power to Anwar. Mahathir's readiness to welcome defectors from Umno into his Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) indicated a strategic pivot aimed at consolidating his influence within the political landscape.
The escalating urgency for clarity from Anwar's supporters regarding Mahathir's commitment to a timeline for the handover precipitated a response from the latter's allies. With tensions mounting and discussions growing more intense, the groundwork was laid for a significant shift on February 23, 2020. The political climate was ripe for upheaval, marking a turning point that not only highlighted the internal struggles within the ruling coalition but also illustrated the fragile nature of political alliances in Malaysia. This period foreshadowed the complexities and shifting allegiances that would characterize the Malaysian political scene in the months to come, demonstrating that the promise of political stability was increasingly at risk.
== Extraordinary Political Meetings ==
On 23 February 2020, Malaysia's political landscape was marked by extraordinary meetings among various political parties, indicating a looming shift in power. The Malaysian United Indigenous Party (Bersatu) convened at their headquarters in Menara Yayasan Selangor, Petaling Jaya, while the Muafakat Nasional bloc, comprising the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS), held a strategic retreat in Janda Baik, Pahang. Concurrently, UMNO's supreme council gathered at the Putra World Trade Centre (PWTC) to discuss critical developments. Additionally, members of Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) convened in Kuala Lumpur, further showcasing the urgency among parties to address the changing political dynamics.
At the center of this political maelstrom was Azmin Ali, the deputy president of the People's Justice Party (PKR) and Minister of Economic Affairs. He hosted a meeting at the Sheraton Hotel in Petaling Jaya, which included several lawmakers from PKR and additional party representatives. This gathering soon became the focal point of media attention, labeled as "Langkah Sheraton" or the Sheraton Move, a term that would embody the events leading to a significant political realignment in Malaysia. The speculations intensified as Azmin and his faction made their way to Istana Negara to seek an audience with the Yang di-Pertuan Agong later that day.
== Coalition Formation Speculations ==
The meeting at Istana Negara included prominent political figures such as Muhyiddin Yassin of Bersatu, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi of UMNO, Hadi Awang of PAS, Abang Johari Openg of GPS, and Shafie Apdal of Parti Warisan Sabah. The presence of these leaders indicated serious discussions about the formation of a new coalition government. Observers speculated that they intended to brief the Agong on their collective plans, aimed at facilitating a transition of power that would effectively sideline PKR's president, Anwar Ibrahim, from becoming the next prime minister. As tensions escalated, more opposition party leaders, including UMNO's Ismail Sabri Yaakob and PAS's Hadi Awang, joined Azmin's supporters at the Sheraton Hotel, solidifying the notion that a major political shift was underway.
During a Facebook Live broadcast, Anwar Ibrahim expressed his concerns, suggesting that a "treachery" had transpired, implicating "former friends from Bersatu" and a faction within PKR. He indicated that the activities of Azmin's group were not only deceptive but also an attempt to destabilize the existing coalition. In a counter-announcement, Azmin defended his actions, asserting that they were aimed at safeguarding Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, who was under pressure to finalize a transition of power during a Pakatan Harapan presidential meeting just two days prior. Azmin claimed that the statutory declaration submitted to the Agong was meant to bolster Mahathir's position rather than to facilitate an election of a new prime minister. He further suggested that the real betrayal stemmed from the faction attempting to undermine Mahathir, showcasing how internal party rivalries had come to a head.
As these events unfolded, it became apparent that Malaysia was on the cusp of a major political crisis, leading to significant ramifications that would change the course of its governance in the following days and weeks.
Political Maneuvering on 24 February 2020
On the morning of 24 February 2020, key political figures in Malaysia convened at the residence of former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad to discuss the rapidly evolving political landscape. Anwar Ibrahim, the deputy prime minister, was accompanied by his wife Wan Azizah Ismail, alongside Mat Sabu, the president of Amanah, and Lim Guan Eng, the secretary-general of the Democratic Action Party (DAP). During this meeting, Anwar expressed his satisfaction with Mahathir’s clarifications, disclosing that Mahathir had no involvement in the formation of a new coalition government, which was a significant point of contention among various factions within the ruling coalition.
Later that day, at a 2 pm press conference held by the People's Justice Party (PKR), general secretary Saifuddin Nasution Ismail announced the expulsion of prominent party leaders Azmin Ali and Zuraida Kamaruddin. The dismissal stemmed from their actions the previous day, which were deemed inconsistent with the party's principles regarding the role of the prime minister. Following their expulsion, Azmin and Zuraida, along with nine other MPs, declared their intention to form an independent parliamentary bloc, signifying a significant rupture within PKR and contributing to the political instability of the council.
As the afternoon unfolded, the political crisis escalated. The Prime Minister's Office confirmed that Mahathir had submitted his resignation to the Agong, the king of Malaysia, and shortly thereafter, announced his departure from his position as chairman of the Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu). This resignation came after Muhyiddin Yassin, a senior party member, declared Bersatu's withdrawal from the Pakatan Harapan coalition. Despite the Agong's efforts to persuade Mahathir to reconsider his resignation, Mahathir remained resolute, prompting the Agong to accept his decision. Consequently, Mahathir was appointed as the interim prime minister, while the dissolution of the Malaysian cabinet was invoked under Article 43(5) of the Malaysian Constitution.
The political landscape shifted dramatically as Nakatan Harapan lost its parliamentary majority due to the defection of Bersatu and the PKR faction led by Azmin Ali, who withdrew their support by 2 pm on the same day. Following this upheaval, a representative from the palace announced that the Agong would hold interviews with all 221 MPs, excluding Mahathir, to assess their support for potential candidates for the prime ministership. These interviews were scheduled for 25 and 26 February, assessing the political affiliations of 90 MPs on the first day and an additional 131 MPs the following day.
As night fell, Bersatu leaders gathered for an emergency meeting at their headquarters to chart the party's course post-resignation. The sentiments expressed were overwhelmingly in favor of Mahathir, with party members rejecting his resignation and rallying behind him as prime minister. Secretary-general Marzuki Yahya affirmed the unanimous support from the Bersatu supreme council for Mahathir, illustrating the internal support he maintained amidst the tumultuous political climate. This meeting signified a critical moment for Bersatu as they navigated through one of the most challenging political crises in recent Malaysian history.
On 25 February 2020, a pivotal moment unfolded in Malaysian politics as the Yang di-Pertuan Agong summoned 90 Members of Parliament for a series of brief interviews that lasted from 2:30 PM onwards. Each MP was given two to three minutes to present their stance, a crucial process that revealed significant shifts in political allegiance. During these interviews, political parties UMNO (United Malays National Organization) and PAS (Malaysian Islamic Party) publicly announced their withdrawal of support for Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. In a surprising turn of events, they advocated for the dissolution of parliament instead. Previously, there had been indications of overwhelming backing for Mahathir, which implied that he was poised to form a so-called "unity government." However, both UMNO and PAS rejected this notion, asserting that their coalition would exclude the Democratic Action Party (DAP).
The consequences of this shift became evident later that evening when an emergency meeting convened among the leaders of the Pakatan Harapan coalition at PKR's headquarters in Petaling Jaya. The coalition, which included parties such as DAP, PKR, and Amanah, extended an invitation to Mahathir in hopes of restoring the previous government. However, Mahathir opted not to attend this crucial meeting, signaling a fracture in the coalition. This absence would become a significant point of contention in subsequent political discourse.
As the crisis unfolded, tensions escalated, and various factions within the coalition began to align themselves differently in pursuit of power. By 3 February 2021, Mahathir claimed that during a critical statutory declaration before the Agong, the Pakatan Harapan MPs had chosen not to endorse him as their candidate. He pointed to a narrative where Anwar Ibrahim, leader of the opposition, had convinced party members that he had garnered sufficient support from MPs in Sabah and Sarawak, in addition to his own, which he believed would secure his position as Prime Minister. Mahathir contended that only DAP, Amanah, and his faction within PKR remained loyal to him, while Anwar's backing consisted of 92 supporters compared to his own 62. In a reflective post on his blog, Mahathir further elaborated that when Muhyiddin Yassin was appointed Prime Minister, he initially lacked majority support but managed to achieve a slim majority by offering cabinet positions to defectors from Mahathir's camp—a calculated maneuver that would ultimately reshape Malaysia's political landscape.
== Mahathir's Address and Political Tensions ==
On February 26, 2020, Interim Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad took to the airwaves at 4:45 PM to address the nation regarding the escalating political crisis in Malaysia. In a surprising turn, he opened his speech by extending an apology to Malaysians for the prevailing political deadlock. This moment of reflection was followed by the revelation of his intention to establish a unity government, a move aimed at prioritizing national interests rather than those of individual political parties. Mahathir faced mounting scrutiny over his leadership aspirations but firmly denied allegations of an obsession with power, emphasizing his disinclination to engage with the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), a major player in Malaysian politics.
The lack of reference to Anwar Ibrahim or the previously discussed agreement regarding the transition of power was particularly noteworthy in Mahathir's address. It appeared to signal a strategic pivot, as he asserted that any decision concerning leadership should rest with the Dewan Rakyat, Malaysia's lower house of Parliament. This shift raised questions about the direction of the government and potential implications for the stability of the coalition that had brought Mahathir to power in 2018.
In contrast to Mahathir's stance, the Pakatan Harapan coalition announced their intent to nominate Anwar Ibrahim, the president of the People's Justice Party (PKR), as the next prime minister. This move followed a meeting the night before, where party leaders deliberated on their options in light of the unfolding political drama. Despite their earlier public endorsement of Mahathir, the DAP—one of the coalition's key components—articulated significant concern regarding the formation of a non-partisan "Mahathir government." Such a government would lack accountability to any party or coalition, thereby granting Mahathir greater autonomy in decision-making. This decision by Pakatan Harapan not only reflected shifting loyalties but also underscored the fractured political landscape that characterized Malaysian governance at that moment. The complexities of these political maneuvers laid the groundwork for further turmoil, as various factions vied for power amid deepening public disenchantment.
On 27 February 2020, the political landscape in Malaysia grew more uncertain as former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad sought an audience with the Agong, the King of Malaysia. Details of their meeting remain undisclosed, but it was widely speculated that discussions centered around the establishment of a new cabinet following ongoing political tensions and party realignments. The backdrop of this meeting was punctuated by Mahathir's fluctuating political status, as he had recently resigned as chairman of the Malaysian United Indigenous Party, or Bersatu, only to retract that resignation later in the day, as confirmed by the party's secretary general, Marzuki Yahya. This maneuver was significant in the context of the fragmented coalition politics that marked this period.
Later in the day, during a press conference, Mahathir disclosed that the Agong had encountered difficulties in identifying a suitable candidate who commanded a clear majority to lead the government. This announcement underlined the political crisis gripping the nation and hinted at the potential for a reshuffling of leadership. Mahathir indicated that a special parliamentary session was set for 2 March to tackle the emerging political stalemate, reflecting the urgency of the situation. He further suggested that the possibility of a snap election loomed if the impasse could not be resolved politically, which would likely lead to heightened political campaigning and mobilization among the various parties involved.
The political turmoil of February 2020 was rooted in the conflict between Mahathir's erstwhile coalition, Pakatan Harapan, and various factions within it, illustrating the complexities of Malaysian governance that often involves intricate alliances and swift shifts in loyalty. With both the parliamentary session scheduled and the Agong’s concerns highlighted, the coming days would be crucial in determining the immediate future of Malaysia's leadership and overall political stability. The situation continued to evolve, capturing the attention of both local and international observers as they awaited developments in the days to come.
The Climate of Political Discontent
On 28 February 2020, a pivotal special Conference of Rulers convened at the Istana Negara to deliberate on the escalating political turmoil enveloping Malaysia. This significant gathering saw the attendance of all state rulers or their crown princes, alongside prominent military and police officials, including General Affendi Buang, the Chief of Defence Forces, and Abdul Hamid Bador, the Inspector-General of Police. This assembly underscored the gravity of the situation, particularly following the resignation of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad and the subsequent uncertainty regarding the formation of a new government.
The political landscape intensified as Mohamad Ariff Md Yusof, the Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat, publicly contradicted Mahathir’s earlier remarks on an upcoming special parliamentary session. Ariff indicated that he had received communication from Mahathir indicating consent for a parliamentary sitting on 2 March; yet, it failed to comply with the stipulated parliamentary Standing Orders. In the evening, the palace took a decisive step by announcing that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (the King) would meet with leaders of parliamentary political parties to solicit nominations for a new prime minister. Notably, the Agong publicly stated that he had not identified any candidate who commanded the confidence of the majority of Members of Parliament (MPs).
As the political machinations unfolded, the Malaysian United Indigenous Party, known as Bersatu, issued a statement underscoring their endorsement of their president, Muhyiddin Yassin, as the 8th Prime Minister. This support came from 26 Bersatu MPs, augmented by an additional 10 MPs led by Azmin Ali. The political tide shifted further when 60 MPs from allied parties, including the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS), as well as the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), declared their backing for Muhyiddin’s candidacy. Significantly, the Muafakat Nasional coalition MPs conveyed their endorsement through newly signed statutory declarations, effectively proposing Muhyiddin as the next head of government.
As this wave of endorsements washed over the political scene, dissenting voices emerged. Notably, Kadir Jasin, a member of Bersatu’s Supreme Council, expressed frustration, alleging that he had neither been invited to discussions regarding Muhyiddin’s nomination nor kept informed about the party's strategic decisions. This internal discontent highlighted the fractures within the party, mirroring the broader chaos and unpredictability permeating Malaysia's political landscape during this critical juncture. The events of this day foreshadowed significant shifts in power dynamics and set the stage for future developments within Malaysian politics.
Bersatu's Internal Struggles
On 29 February 2020, the political landscape in Malaysia saw significant turmoil as Bersatu Youth chief Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman firmly declared his opposition to collaborating with individuals implicated in corruption, specifically referring to longstanding rival UMNO. His stance highlighted the complexities within Bersatu as the party's youth wing, Armada, reiterated its allegiance to the supreme council's decision from their prior meeting on 24 February, which expressed support for Mahathir Mohamad as prime minister. This division within Bersatu emphasized a broader rift not only in party dynamics but also within Malaysia's political fabric, as different factions vied for power amid allegations and accusations of unethical governance.
The same day, the Pakatan Harapan presidential council convened to analyze the ongoing political crisis and subsequently announced their complete backing for Mahathir as the 8th Prime Minister. This announcement represented a notable shift, as it effectively retracted the coalition's earlier endorsement of PKR president Anwar Ibrahim for the premiership. Following this declaration, Mahathir articulated his conviction that he possessed the requisite parliamentary majority to assume office for a third time, pending consent from the Yang di-Pertuan Agong. Anwar's direct move to Istana Negara to update the Agong on these nomination changes underscored the urgency and high stakes at play.
Meanwhile, a separate faction from Bersatu, led by Muhyiddin Yassin, had a meeting with the Agong that same afternoon. This alliance included party leaders from various established factions such as UMNO, PAS, the Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS), the Parti Bersatu Rakyat Sabah (PBRS), and the Homeland Solidarity Party (STAR). They proclaimed their coalition as Perikatan Nasional, confidently asserting their claim to a parliamentary majority that would enable them to elect a prime minister and form a new government. This simultaneous power struggle presented a complicated web of allegiances and proposed coalitions, each claiming legitimacy and majority support.
In Sarawak, political maneuvering continued as DAP vice-chairperson Chong Chieng Jen offered to collaborate with the GPS-led state government to preserve the federal government led by Pakatan Harapan. However, this overture was rebuffed by Chief Minister Abang Abdul Rahman Johari Abang Openg, who recalled earlier criticisms levied by DAP leaders against the state’s fiscal health. The situation was compounded by news that PKR MP Richard Riot Jaem purportedly defected to join PKR, a claim that Jaem outright denied, further illustrating the fluid state of loyalties and affiliations within Malaysian politics.
As the day transitioned into evening, the royal palace issued a statement acknowledging that Muhyiddin was likely to possess a majority in parliament and would be appointed as the 8th Prime Minister of Malaysia, with the swearing-in ceremony scheduled for 1 March at Istana Negara. In a final act of defiance, Mahathir attempted to contest this decision by publicly submitting a list of 115 MPs he claimed were supporting him in opposition to Muhyiddin. Yet, this list drew skepticism as numerous MPs expressed their divergent views about their political affiliations. Political analysts, including Shamrahayu Abd Aziz, pointed out that any statutory declarations made after the Agong’s announcement would hold little weight, suggesting that the legitimate recourse to challenge Muhyiddin's ascendance was through a parliamentary vote of non-confidence. This intricate interplay of ambition, factional rivalry, and legal maneuvering marked a pivotal chapter in Malaysia's political crisis, illustrating the precarious nature of governance amid conflicting allegiances.
Emergence of a New Political Landscape
On March 1, 2020, a significant shift in Malaysia's political landscape occurred when Muhyiddin Yassin was sworn in as the country's eighth prime minister. Before the ceremony, former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad expressed frustration, claiming that the Istana Negara had denied him the opportunity to demonstrate that his coalition, Pakatan Harapan, maintained a majority in the Dewan Rakyat. Mahathir voiced disappointment in Muhyiddin, accusing him of orchestrating the formation of a new government behind Pakatan Harapan's back for an extended period. Compounding this betrayal was Mahathir's assertion that the confusion surrounding his chairmanship of the Bersatu party had allowed Muhyiddin to declare himself chairman illegitimately.
Only a day after assuming office, Muhyiddin engaged in high-level meetings at the Perdana Putra, ensuring a prompt transition into his new role. Important discussions were held with key figures, including Chief Secretary Mohd Zuki Ali and Inspector-General of Police Abdul Hamid Bador, outlining the country's immediate governance strategy. In Muhyiddin's first televised address to the nation on the night of his inauguration, he sought to reassure the public of his integrity, denying accusations of treachery and emphasizing his commitment to assembling a cabinet composed of reputable and competent individuals. He extended gratitude to Mahathir for his contributions to the nation, signaling a note of respect despite political differences.
Challenges Amidst a Pandemic
Shortly after the political transition, Malaysia found itself confronting a formidable challenge as the COVID-19 pandemic escalated both locally and globally. A critical event at a Tablighi Jamaat religious gathering in Kuala Lumpur inadvertently became a superspreading incident, leading to a rapid rise in infections nationwide. Public health experts noted that the political turbulence could have weakened Malaysia's response to the outbreak, potentially complicating government efforts to manage the evolving crisis effectively.
In response to the looming health emergency, Muhyiddin declared a nationwide lockdown on March 18, alongside the closure of international borders. This was aimed at mitigating the rampant spread of the virus and safeguarding public health. However, his government faced criticism related to other political maneuvers, notably when Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat, Mohamad Ariff Md Yusof, announced on March 4 the postponement of parliament's sitting from March 9 to May 18. This decision was made to provide Muhyiddin with time to finalize his cabinet and for new ministers to acclimate to their roles. Nonetheless, this delay was met with skepticism from opposition members, such as PKR MP Wong Chen, who interpreted it as a sign of weakness in the new administration's capability.
Formation of the Perikatan Nasional Cabinet
Muhyiddin unveiled his cabinet on March 10, establishing the Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition featuring a mixture of seasoned politicians, technocrats, and loyal allies. This cabinet design was notable for being the first in Malaysian history to omit the deputy prime minister position, opting instead for four senior ministers to oversee various portfolios. This structural change was emblematic of Muhyiddin’s approach towards governance, signaling a departure from traditional political hierarchy while attempting to foster a sense of unity amid a politically fragmented atmosphere. The rapid formation and composition of the cabinet illustrated both the urgency and complexity of governing during an unprecedented dual crisis of political instability and public health, thus setting the tone for an unconventional premiership in the months that followed.
Parliamentary Sessions: May to July 2020
In the lead-up to the significant parliamentary sessions from May to July 2020, the political landscape in Malaysia was quite tumultuous. On May 7, Anwar Ibrahim declared through Facebook Live that he would assume the role of Leader of the Opposition for the Pakatan Harapan coalition. This was a monumental announcement as it set the stage for the opposition's strategies and challenges in the upcoming parliamentary session. On the same day, Speaker Mohamad Ariff revealed that he had received a letter from Warisan leader Shafie Apdal, expressing his intention to table a motion of confidence in then-Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. This motion sought to demonstrate Mahathir's majority in the Dewan Rakyat, Malaysia's lower house of Parliament.
However, the political machinations continued when Speaker Ariff indicated that the proposed motion did not align with Article 43 of the Federal Constitution, as it could be construed as undermining the authority of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to appoint the prime minister. In a counter-move, Mahathir sought to introduce a no-confidence motion against the new prime minister, Muhyiddin Yassin, via a letter sent to Speaker Ariff on May 4, which was subsequently accepted for debate when Parliament resumed on May 18. Unfortunately, the government's directive led to a parliamentary session on May 18 that limited discussions to the Agong's opening speech, effectively quashing any opportunity for Mahathir's no-confidence motion to be debated.
Controversy ensued as Riduan Rahmat, the Secretary to the Dewan Rakyat, faced demotion amid allegations that he attempted to hide the no-confidence motions from the public and parliamentary records. This action was met with outrage from leaders like Mahathir and Shafie, who accused the Perikatan Nasional government of fearing open debate. The situation further deteriorated as the Agong expressed his disappointment over the political instability, urging politicians to refrain from exacerbating the crisis while the nation grappled with the COVID-19 pandemic. As recent developments unfolded, it became evident that the Perikatan Nasional government had a narrow majority in the Dewan Rakyat, which was further complicated by the defection of members from various parties.
In a consequential turn of events on May 28, Mahathir Mohamad and several prominent figures such as Mukhriz Mahathir and Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman were expelled from Bersatu, the ruling party led by Muhyiddin. They condemned their expulsion as vehemently unjust and contrary to the party's constitutional provisions. Tensions escalated as Muhyiddin defended his decision, stating that the expulsion was justified due to breaches of party rules by aligning with opposition benches in Parliament. This discord underscored the fractious nature of Malaysian politics during this period.
The political upheaval extended into July, culminating in the removal of Speaker Mohamad Ariff amid a heated parliamentary session. He was ousted by a narrow margin and replaced by Azhar Azizan Harun, a former chairman of the Electoral Commission. Azhar's swift appointment occurred under a cloud of controversy, as it was executed without a formal voting session, mirroring the manner of Ariff’s removal. In a demonstration of solidarity, Deputy Speaker Nga Kor Ming resigned, leading to the notable appointment of Azalina Othman Said as the first female Deputy Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat. These developments highlighted a significant shift in Malaysia's political dynamics, with increasing tensions between the ruling coalition and the opposition, reflecting a deepening political crisis exacerbated by the global pandemic.
Anwar Ibrahim's Political Moves
In the latter part of 2020, Malaysian politics was once again thrust into the spotlight with the actions of Anwar Ibrahim, the Leader of the Opposition and head of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition, particularly the People's Justice Party (PKR). On September 23, Anwar claimed to have secured a "strong, formidable, convincing majority" that he argued would facilitate a change in government. He asserted that the Perikatan Nasional (PN) administration, currently headed by Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, had effectively collapsed. However, his long-anticipated audience with the Agong on September 22 was postponed due to the monarch being hospitalized for food poisoning and a sports-related injury.
Following this, Anwar's meeting with the Agong took place on October 13, during which he presented a list of 120 Members of Parliament purportedly supporting his bid for premiership. Notably, Anwar refrained from providing the names of these MPs, creating speculation about the actual level of support he had secured. This period was marked by political tension as the opposition attempted to reassert its presence amidst a fragmented parliamentary landscape.
Sabah State Election and Its Aftermath
The political shifts in Malaysia coincided with the Sabah state election held on September 26, which resulted in a decisive victory for the Perikatan Nasional coalition. The decision to proceed with the in-person election raised concerns due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, especially given the public health risks involved. Despite calls to implement postal voting or to postpone the election, the government insisted on continuing with strict Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs in place. Unfortunately, following the election, Sabah experienced a significant outbreak of COVID-19, which subsequently spread to other states, highlighting the consequences of holding elections during a health crisis.
The context of these events further deepened when Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin sought to suspend by-elections in Bugaya, Sabah, and Gerik, Perak, during December 2020. The rationale for this request was the alarming rise in COVID-19 cases, especially since Bugaya was considered a hotspot for the third wave of the virus in Sabah. Muhyiddin's call for a nationwide state of emergency was ultimately dismissed by the Agong, raising questions about the balance of power and governance during a public health crisis.
Broader Implications for Malaysian Politics
The political landscape in Malaysia during this period illustrated the complexities of governance amid the dual challenges of a health crisis and intense political rivalry. Anwar Ibrahim's movements indicated a continued struggle for power within Malaysian politics, as various coalitions and parties jostled for influence amidst rising public discontent over the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. The Sabah election and its fallout underscored the risks of political maneuvers in an unprecedented health emergency, not to mention the broader implications for civic engagement and electoral integrity in Malaysia's democratic processes. The events set in motion a changing political narrative that would resonate through 2021 and beyond, presenting new challenges for both the government and opposition as they navigated the uncertain waters of Malaysian politics.
January: Political Turmoil and Emergency Measures
The political landscape in Malaysia experienced significant upheaval in January 2021, primarily stemming from widespread dissatisfaction within the ruling coalition, Perikatan Nasional (PN). On December 13, 2020, a watershed moment occurred when veteran politician Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, alongside his long-time rival, former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, publicly condemned the budget presented by Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin. They not only rejected the budget but also labeled the PN government as illegitimate. The situation intensified when Razaleigh chose to abstain from the crucial budget vote on December 14, which narrowly passed with 111 ayes against 108 nays.
As internal rifts within the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) deepened, notable members began voicing intentions to withdraw from the PN coalition, as anxieties regarding governance and party priorities escalated. Annuar Musa, who served as the Minister of Federal Territories and staunchly advocated for a political stance of "no Anwar, no DAP," was dismissed from his role as Barisan Nasional Secretary-General on January 5, 2021. His successor, Ahmad Maslan, called for a general election, criticizing ongoing judicial pursuits against veteran UMNO affiliated leaders as unjust. Musa subsequently alleged that certain UMNO MPs, supported by UMNO President Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, were contemplating a coalition with the opposition, specifically with the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and elements of the Pakatan Harapan (PH). This assertion was promptly disavowed by former Prime Minister Najib Razak and DAP's Secretary-General Lim Guan Eng.
A further escalation in this turmoil occurred when Ahmad Jazlan Yaakub of Machang publicly announced his withdrawal of support from the PN administration, driven by what he described as attempts by Bersatu, the party leading the coalition, to “bully” UMNO. This announcement compounded the instability facing the PN government, which by then could only muster support from 110 of the total 220 Members of Parliament (MPs) in the Dewan Rakyat. On January 12, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong consented to declare a national emergency under Article 150 of the Malaysian Constitution, aimed ostensibly at managing the surging COVID-19 pandemic. The declaration officially suspended Parliament and ruled out any possibility for snap elections within the emergency's defined period, lasting from January 12 to August 1, 2021.
On the same day as the emergency declaration, another withdrawal took place when Mohamed Nazri Abdul Aziz announced he was no longer aligning himself with the PN coalition, significantly impacting Muhyiddin Yassin’s majority, which dwindled to 109 MPs. Nazri's decision reflected increasing apprehension regarding the Prime Minister's ability to affirm his parliamentary support. This growing disenchantment culminated further when on January 18, Khairuddin Abu Hassan took legal action against Muhyiddin and his administration, contesting the constitutionality of the emergency declaration itself amid claims that the Prime Minister had lost the necessary governing majority.
The political grip continued to loosen as opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim declared on January 23 that 115 MPs opposed the emergency proclamation. There were reports that several MPs had submitted petitions to the King requesting an end to the state of emergency. The opposition criticized the Prime Minister for utilizing the emergency as a mechanism to cling to power while Parliament remained suspended, outlining a climate of rising discontent and political maneuvering that characterized Malaysia's landscape during this precarious period.
Royal Consent and Political Maneuvering
On February 24, 2021, King Abdullah of Malaysia granted royal consent for Parliament to reconvene amid the ongoing state of emergency. This decision came after an audience with key parliamentary figures including the President of the Dewan Negara, Rais Yatim, and the Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat, Azhar Azizan Harun. However, King Abdullah left it to the Prime Minister to determine the specific date for the reconvening. The political landscape was rapidly shifting, illustrated by the emerging rumors on February 28 that two MPs from the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition, Steven Choong and Larry Sng, were preparing to switch allegiances to the ruling Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition. Their eventual confirmation of these rumors represented a significant shift in parliamentary dynamics, allowing PN to regain a slim majority. Following their movement, the opposition coalition found itself reduced to a minority.
As the political realignment continued, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) announced on March 4 that it would preserve its support for the PN government only until Parliament's dissolution. This announcement indicated a serious internal division within the coalition that could potentially destabilize the ruling government. By March 13, PKR vice-president Xavier Jayakumar escalated the situation further by crossing over to the PN, marking his departure as the third such instance in a month. His shift solidified PN's position with 112 supportive MPs amidst escalating tensions within the opposition.
Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic
While political maneuverings continued, the government's decision not to reconvene Parliament due to the COVID-19 pandemic drew ire from opposition parties. They rejected the government's rationale, advocating instead for a Committee for Ending the Emergency Declaration, signifying their discontent. Meanwhile, discussions about safely reconvening Parliament gained traction, with a proposal for hybrid sessions involving both virtual and in-person attendance characterized by Minister Takiyuddin Hassan’s announcements in early June. This approach was aimed at ensuring legislative procedures could proceed while acknowledging the ongoing health crisis.
The political climate remained tense as Khairuddin Abu Hassan, a loyalist of former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, publicly shared that King Abdullah had convened major political party leaders for consultations on various pressing issues, including the pandemic. This meeting underscored the urgency communicated by various parties regarding the need to address national challenges cooperatively.
Parliamentary Reopening Amid Tensions
By mid-June, Prime Minister Muhyiddin signaled the potential reopening of Parliament in September or October, a move closely watched by political analysts and opposition parties alike. Following this anticipation, on June 16, King Abdullah convened a special meeting of the Conference of Rulers, where it was agreed that Parliament should reconvene without delay and the emergency declaration should conclude on August 1, 2021. However, dissent brewed within the ruling coalition as UMNO's Ahmad Zahid Hamidi raised warnings of political treason and demanded action regarding the impending parliamentary session.
On July 2, another notable crossover occurred when Mohamed Nazri Abdul Aziz declared his return to support the Prime Minister, providing a slight boost to PN's parliamentary strength. Following a decisive ultimatum from UMNO, the Prime Minister's Office announced on July 5 the reconvening of Parliament, scheduled for late July. The government urged MPs to contribute strategically to discussions aimed at managing the COVID-19 pandemic, yet the opposition promptly reacted, calling for extensions to the special sessions to address more substantial concerns. This ongoing struggle for legislative power and the management of the nation's health crisis marked significant turning points in Malaysian politics, revealing both the fragility and complexity of its governing structures during unprecedented times.
Political Turmoil in July
In July 2021, Malaysia was engulfed in political instability as the government faced a growing backlash from within its own ranks, particularly from the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), a key coalition partner in the Perikatan Nasional (PN) government. The political landscape began to shift on July 7, when Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin initiated a minor Cabinet reshuffle, aimed primarily at appeasing UMNO. Ismail Sabri Yaakob was promoted to the position of Deputy Prime Minister, while Hishammuddin Hussein was elevated to the role of Senior Minister for Security. This move was perceived as an attempt to mend the fissures between UMNO and PN, particularly at a time when UMNO felt marginalized and overlooked in the distribution of powers within the ruling coalition.
However, shortly after this reshuffle, UMNO's internal dissent came to a head. On July 8, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, the President of UMNO and Chairman of Barisan Nasional (BN), announced the party’s withdrawal of support for PM Muhyiddin, citing dissatisfaction with the government's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic and its economic implications. Zahid's call for a new prime minister who could prioritize the pandemic response heightened the tensions within the coalition. Meanwhile, the Attorney General argued that the government could continue operating, as there was insufficient evidence of a loss of support in the Parliament, while Bersatu's information chief refuted Zahid’s claims, indicating the prime minister’s cabinet had not failed.
On July 10, following a critical supreme council meeting, Ismail Sabri Yaakob expressed that the majority of the UMNO members disagreed with Zahid's sudden decision to withdraw support, calling for unity in focus during the pandemic rather than indulging in political maneuvers. This sentiment was echoed in subsequent discussions, where it was highlighted that previous UMNO meetings had decided to withdraw support from PN, but timing was crucial, especially amidst the ongoing crisis. Ultimately, within days, a consensus emerged among UMNO ministers to back Muhyiddin, signifying a fragile alliance amidst ongoing conflicts.
The situation escalated further with the reconvening of Parliament on July 26, marking the first session of 2021. The monarchy had urged discussions concerning the State of Emergency imposed due to the pandemic; however, the government's refusal to debate any matters beyond this narrowly defined agenda resulted in chaos. Prominent opposition figures, including Anwar Ibrahim and Mahathir Mohamad, accused the administration of neglecting the Agong's directives. The Prime Minister's early departure from the session only fanned the flames of criticism from opposition members who felt disrespected.
The legal aspect of the government's pandemic management came under scrutiny after Law Minister Takiyuddin Hassan publicly announced the annulment of the State of Emergency, which the Agong later rebuked, stating that he had not approved this revocation. This rare public reprimand from the monarchy indicated serious distrust in the government’s operations and highlighted a concerning rift between the royal institution and the executive branch. In what became a dramatic parliamentary moment, Anwar Ibrahim read the Agong's criticism aloud, framing it as a constitutional violation and leading to calls for a no-confidence motion against the prime minister.
The parliamentary chaos culminated in further complications when multiple COVID-19 cases were reported among parliamentarians, forcing the session’s suspension on July 31. This added a layer of controversy as the opposition accused the government of stalling crucial political discussions under the pretext of health concerns. On the same day, protests erupted in Kuala Lumpur as hundreds gathered to demand the resignation of PM Muhyiddin, reflecting widespread public frustration with the government's pandemic strategy and overall political mismanagement. This series of events painted a picture of a government under siege, struggling to maintain the confidence of both its coalition partners and the public in a time of unprecedented crisis.
August marked a significant turning point in Malaysia's political landscape as the Perikatan Nasional (PN) government, led by Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, faced widespread dissent and the consequent unraveling of its support base. Following the end of a nationwide State of Emergency, a new one was imposed in Sarawak, impacting the electoral landscape as the state elections were postponed until February 2022. On August 2, opposition Members of Parliament (MPs) attempted to enter a suspended parliamentary session, protesting against the government's handling of COVID-19 and calling for Muhyiddin's resignation. Notable figures such as Anwar Ibrahim and Mahathir Mohamad were present for the protests, further emphasizing the deteriorating support for the ruling coalition.
The political crisis escalated on August 3 when Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, president of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), announced that the party, a key coalition partner, was withdrawing its support for Muhyiddin. This withdrawal led to immediate repercussions as two UMNO ministers resigned from their positions, showcasing a definitive fracture in the coalition's unity. Prime Minister Muhyiddin addressed the nation on August 4, asserting his intent to table a confidence motion in September to demonstrate his majority in the Dewan Rakyat. However, this assertion was met with skepticism from opposition parties, who maintained that the government should resign immediately.
In the days that followed, internal divisions within UMNO became pronounced. Some members rallied behind Muhyiddin, while others, led by Ahmad Zahid, continued to call for his ousting. By August 9, 15 UMNO MPs had formally withdrawn their support for the Prime Minister. With increasing pressure, a political meeting involving PN coalition leaders took place on August 11, but this did not quell the storm brewing around Muhyiddin's administration. As the days progressed, a televised address from the Prime Minister on August 13 offered a series of concessions to opposition parties, including constitutional amendments and electoral promises, but these overtures were swiftly rejected as insufficient and insincere.
Muhyiddin’s political fate was sealed on August 15 when it was reported that he would announce his resignation the following day. True to this forecast, the Muhyiddin cabinet was dissolved on August 17, marking the end of his tenure as Prime Minister. In this context, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong requested lawmakers to indicate their preferred candidate for Prime Minister, setting off a flurry of negotiations among political leaders. Eventually, Ismail Sabri Yaakob emerged as the nominee from UMNO, supported by various parties, while Anwar Ibrahim was also in the fray as the opposition candidate.
As the political machinations continued, Ismail Sabri was officially appointed as the 9th Prime Minister of Malaysia on August 20 after gaining the necessary parliamentary support. His swearing-in ceremony occurred on August 21, and a new cabinet was formed shortly thereafter. However, the new cabinet faced harsh criticism from opposition leaders, who labeled it a "recycled cabinet," indicating continuity rather than renewal in leadership. This sentiment echoed across many sectors of society, where disillusionment with the political elite remained high. The political landscape was further complicated when several ministers had to forgo the swearing-in ceremony due to COVID-19 exposure, underscoring the ongoing public health crisis that added layers of complexity to the political turmoil.
With Ismail Sabri's appointment, Malaysia's political future remained uncertain, as calls for accountability, transparency, and genuine reform echoed from both the opposition and the electorate, reflecting a nation grappling with its identity amidst shifting political allegiances and ongoing health challenges.
September Marks a New Era in Malaysian Politics
In a significant development for Malaysian governance, the parliament reconvened on 10 September 2021, following a period of political instability that had stemmed from the 2020 Malaysian political crisis. The cabinet announced a series of key reforms which sought to address long-standing issues within the political framework. Among these reforms were the introduction of an Anti-Party Hopping Bill aimed at curbing political defections, ensuring equal representation of members in parliamentary committees, and establishing a system where the government would consult with opposition parties on every proposed Bill. Additionally, the government proposed to provide the Leader of the Opposition with the same facilities and amenities as those available to cabinet ministers.
Another crucial reform discussed was the limitation of a prime minister's term to 10 years, a move aimed at enhancing accountability and preventing the concentration of power. There was also a proposal to fast-track the amendment to allow 18-year-olds the right to vote and stand in elections, an effort to engage younger voters and encourage their participation in the democratic process. The subsequent support from the opposition, indicated on 11 September 2021, underscored a collective willingness to prioritize national interests above party lines.
On 12 September 2021, Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob and the Leader of the Opposition, Anwar Ibrahim, made a groundbreaking announcement regarding their agreement to sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) focused on bipartisan cooperation. This agreement outlined a framework for political stability and cooperation, particularly in the context of combating the challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic, which had significantly affected Malaysia's socio-economic landscape. The MoU was formally signed the next day, marking a historic moment as bipartisan collaboration had predominantly been absent in the nation's political history. With the expectation that elections would not be held until at least 31 July 2022, this MoU represented a commitment from both sides to work together for the good of the country, potentially ushering in an era of more stable governance.
Media commentary surrounding the MoU highlighted the necessity of such cooperation during a tumultuous period and viewed it as a pivotal shift in Malaysian politics. Observers noted that if successfully implemented, these reforms could enhance the integrity of Malaysia's political system and foster greater public confidence in its electoral process. The September agreements, therefore, not only aimed at addressing urgent political challenges but also sought to lay the groundwork for a more inclusive and accountable political environment for all Malaysians.
Elections in Malacca and Sarawak
In the wake of a political shift in Malaysia, the Malacca State Legislative Assembly was dissolved on 4 October 2021 when four members withdrew their support from Chief Minister Sulaiman Md Ali. This action led to the calling of the 2021 Malacca state election, which was deemed necessary to restore confidence in the state leadership. As the nation grappled with the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic, the government faced a critical decision regarding the safety and feasibility of holding elections under the prevailing health crisis. Experts were consulted on whether the election could proceed under strict health protocols, or if a state-wide emergency should be declared to delay the process.
Eventually, the Malacca state election took place on 20 November 2021 with the implementation of strict Standard Operating Procedures to ensure voter safety. The election saw Barisan Nasional (BN) reclaim a robust mandate, winning a commanding two-thirds majority by securing 21 out of the 28 seats in the Malacca State Legislative Assembly. This victory was seen as a significant return for the ruling coalition amidst ongoing political complexities in the nation, reinforcing BN's position in the region.
On 3 November 2021, local headlines shifted as Istana Negara, the Malaysian monarchy's official palace, announced that Yang di-Pertuan Agong Al-Sultan Abdullah Ri'ayatuddin Al-Mustafa Billah Shah had consented to lift the state of emergency previously in place. This decision automatically dissolved the Sarawak State Legislative Assembly, necessitating the prompt conduct of elections to elect a new state government within a stipulated timeframe of 60 days. The Sarawak state election, subsequently held on 18 December 2021, resulted in a decisive victory for Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS), which secured 76 of the 82 contested seats, also achieving a two-thirds majority. This outcome entrenched GPS's dominance in Sarawak politics and reflected the political landscape's ongoing evolution following the national political upheaval.
The significant electoral events in both Malacca and Sarawak illustrated the dynamic political climate in Malaysia during a challenging period marked by health crises and governance transitions. The implications of these elections would resonate in ongoing political strategies and alliances in the Malaysian parliamentary landscape.
Political Shift in Johor
In early 2022, Johor experienced significant political upheaval that culminated in a snap election. This decision was prompted by the government under Menteri Besar Hasni Mohammad losing its simple majority in the Johor State Legislative Assembly. After the passing of Kempas assemblyman Osman Sapian on December 21, 2021, the ruling coalition was left with a minority of 28 seats compared to the opposition's 27. Recognizing the precariousness of this political situation, Sultan Ibrahim Ismail, the Sultan of Johor, approved the dissolution of the state assembly on January 22, 2022. This move set the stage for a new election within the mandated timeframe of 60 days.
The state elections, held on March 12, 2022, saw Barisan Nasional (BN) decisively reclaiming power with an impressive performance, securing 40 out of the 56 available seats in the assembly. This outcome not only enabled BN to establish a two-thirds majority but also marked a continuation of their successful streak in state elections across Malaysia in recent years. In stark contrast, the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition faced a dramatic decline, managing to win only 12 seats, which underscored a significant shift in voter sentiment since their prior electoral successes. Meanwhile, Perikatan Nasional (PN) contributed minimally to the landscape, securing just 3 seats. Notably, the Malaysian United Democratic Alliance (MUDA) made its electoral debut, claiming 1 seat, indicating a potential emergence of new political voices within the Johor political arena.
These elections not only represented a crucial turning point for Johor but also illustrated broader trends within Malaysian politics, where traditional coalitions were being challenged by newer parties and shifting voter preferences. The implications of these results could resonate beyond Johor, influencing national political dynamics and strategies in the coming years.
UMNO Leadership Crisis Unfolds
In the period from April to July 2020, the Malaysian political landscape witnessed significant turmoil within the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), particularly highlighted by the events of June 24. On this date, Tajuddin Abdul Rahman, the MP for Pasir Salak, was removed from the UMNO supreme council, a move that catalyzed further discussions regarding internal divisions within the party. Following his removal, Tajuddin convened a press conference where he openly discussed the ongoing leadership crisis, signaling a potential split within UMNO that could fracture the party along factional lines. He identified two primary factions: one loyal to UMNO President Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and the other supporting Ismail Sabri Yaakob, who was at that time the Deputy Prime Minister.
The tensions within UMNO were exacerbated by allegations surrounding Zahid Hamidi’s ambitions. Tajuddin revealed that Zahid was positioning himself to become the Prime Minister, a claim intertwined with the controversial political maneuvers that characterized the early months of 2020 and 2021, where various factions within the government were vying for influence and power. Notably, the mention of a "SD declaration," referring to statutory declarations regarding support for Anwar Ibrahim to take on the Prime Minister's role, further elucidates how dynamics within and outside the party were shifting amidst public intrigue and distrust.
Furthermore, Tajuddin's direct call for Zahid's resignation stemmed from a broader context of allegations and ongoing corruption trials facing the UMNO President. This call for resignation not only reflected the internal discord but also represented a growing sentiment among certain party members who believed that Zahid’s legal predicaments could jeopardize UMNO’s standing in Malaysian politics as the party navigates through an era filled with controversy and fragmented loyalties.
As UMNO faced these internal challenges, the implications for Malaysian politics were significant, potentially reshaping alliances and impacting policy direction during a time when the nation was grappling with the repercussions of the COVID-19 pandemic. The leadership crisis within UMNO highlighted the delicate balance of power in Malaysian politics and underscored the ongoing struggle for dominance between traditional power holders and emerging factions that were pushing for change.
Constitutional Amendments and Political Shifts
Between August and November 2022, significant political developments unfolded in Malaysia, particularly centered around the country's constitutional framework and the government's composition. A crucial constitutional amendment was introduced, prohibiting Members of Parliament from switching political parties. This amendment aimed to stabilize the political landscape that had been marked by frequent party hopping and shifting allegiances, which often resulted in unstable governance. The United Malays National Organization (UMNO), a major political party, faced internal turmoil, leading lawmakers to advocate for a snap election before the end of 2022. The UMNO Supreme Council responded positively to these calls by agreeing to hold elections by the end of September.
On October 10, 2022, Prime Minister Ismail Sabri announced the dissolution of the 14th Parliament, setting the stage for the 15th general election to be held within 60 days. An important date was established by the Election Commission on October 20, which set the polling for November 19. The election results were historic, marking Malaysia's first instance of a hung Parliament in which no single party or coalition secured enough seats to create a governing majority. In this election, the Malaysian Islamic Party, aligned with far-right ideologies, emerged with more seats than any other single party. Meanwhile, Anwar Ibrahim's Pakatan Harapan coalition won the most seats collectively, but former Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin contended that his Perikatan Nasional coalition held a sufficient claim to form the new government.
The Aftermath of a Hung Parliament
In the aftermath of the election, a complex web of negotiations began among various political factions. The Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Al-Sultan Abdullah, mandated party leaders to submit their preferred candidates for Prime Minister by a specified deadline. This invitation for negotiations was extended, reflecting the ongoing uncertainties. Barisan Nasional, another significant coalition, declared on November 22 that it would not support either Pakatan Harapan or Perikatan Nasional in forming the new federal government.
As discussions unfolded, the royal palace announced that none of the nominated MPs had secured the necessary majority support to assume the role of Prime Minister. Following this announcement, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong initiated private meetings with Anwar and Muhyiddin, during which a proposal for a unity government was put forth. However, Muhyiddin expressed outright refusal, reiterating that Perikatan Nasional would not cooperate with Pakatan Harapan. In parallel, Anwar remained optimistic, suggesting that with time, he could garner the majority of support needed.
A Coalition Comes Together
On November 23, the political climate shifted once again as the Yang di-Pertuan Agong engaged with leaders from Barisan Nasional and Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS). Discontent emerged from Sarawak over GPS's potential collaboration with Perikatan Nasional, underscoring regional tensions and differing political priorities. Meanwhile, the opposition party, Parti Warisan, expressed support for a potential government formed by the collaboration of Pakatan Harapan and Barisan Nasional. On November 24, Ahmad Maslan of UMNO articulated that the party had resolved to follow the wishes of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, signaling a willingness to partake in a unity government that did not include Perikatan Nasional.
Ultimately, these discussions culminated in a breakthrough. Anwar Ibrahim was sworn in as Malaysia's 10th Prime Minister on November 24 at 5 pm MST, an event steeped in significance as it marked a new chapter in Malaysia's political evolution, characterized by a coalition that aimed to unite varying factions to restore stability following a fraught electoral process. The political landscape of Malaysia remained in flux, with Anwar's administration facing immediate challenges to forge a workable government in this unprecedented political environment.
Parliamentary Resignations and Shifts
The Malaysian political landscape underwent significant shifts in 2020, largely influenced by resignations and the changing allegiances of various Members of Parliament (MPs). A notable resignation occurred on 4 June when Shahruddin Md Salleh, the Deputy Works Minister representing the Bersatu party, stepped down, labeling his participation in the Perikatan Nasional (PN) government as a misstep. He expressed regret over not considering the preferences of his constituents who had supported the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition in the 2018 general elections. Following this, on 19 July, his membership in Bersatu was terminated after he indicated a desire to change his seat from the government side to the opposition, highlighting the rifts within the coalition.
In early June, additional changes in party affiliations further complicated the opposition's position. Jugah Muyang, the MP for Lubok Antu, announced his departure from the PKR party, a key partner in the PH coalition, and shifted his allegiance to the ruling PN coalition, marking a significant drop in the opposition's strength from 109 to 108 MPs. Shortly thereafter, Jugah, alongside Independent MP Syed Abu Husin Hafiz, who also pledged support to the PN, visited the Prime Minister’s residence to formalize their change in allegiance. Their transition was indicative of the influence wielded by senior Bersatu leaders like Azmin Ali, who played a role in persuading Jugah to join the ruling coalition.
The ongoing realignment of political loyalties continued throughout 2021 and into 2022, illustrating the fluid nature of Malaysian politics. On 2 November 2020, Maszlee Malik departed from the newly formed PEJUANG party to become an independent MP in support of Pakatan Harapan, citing comprehensive surveys that reflected public sentiment in his constituency. His decision highlighted the impact of grassroots engagement in political decisions. In another instance, Mohammadin Ketapi transitioned away from WARISAN to back Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) before officially joining Bersatu in late November 2021. This trend of shifting party allegiances underscores the instability within Malaysian political factions during this period.
Further shifts took place in early 2022, with Khairuddin Razali's exit from PAS and his decision to remain as an independent MP, reiterating his choice not to align with the United Malays National Organization (UMNO). His departure exemplified the struggles within traditional parties amidst the evolving political climate. Masir Kujat's resignation from Parti Sarawak Bersatu (PSB) also reflected broader concerns regarding the country's political instability and its ramifications for citizens. His support for then-Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob reiterated how political alignment was increasingly tied to immediate governmental stability.
As the dynamics unfolded, Zuraida Kamaruddin left Bersatu on 26 May 2022 to join the newly formed Parti Bangsa Malaysia (PBM), aligning herself with Ismail's government. The revolving door of party memberships continued with figures such as Willie Mongin moving to the Parti Bumi Kenyalang (PBB), and Jugah Muyang rejoining Bersatu on 1 November 2022. The party-switching paradigm reflected a broader trend of political realignment, with candidates seeking affiliations that would maximize their influence and align with the prevailing governmental landscape.
The changing allegiances of MPs, including the transitions of Che Abdullah Mat Nawi and Shahidan Kassim, further illustrated the volatile nature of Malaysian politics. As political partnerships shifted and new coalitions formed, the public and analysts alike observed the potential for this instability to shape legislative action and future electoral prospects in a nation characterized by its dynamic political environment. The numerous exits and entries into different political factions were a reminder of the challenges and complexities faced within Malaysia’s parliamentary framework during this tumultuous period.
Federal Level Resignations and Political Fallout
On February 28, 2020, the political landscape in Malaysia saw significant shifts with the resignation of Attorney General Tommy Thomas, which he submitted to the then interim Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. Though no explicit reason was stated in his resignation letter, it followed intense scrutiny over his decision not to pursue legal action against twelve individuals, including two state lawmakers, who were alleged to have ties with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The LTTE, recognized internationally as a terrorist organization, had sparked considerable controversy in Malaysia, leading to public outcry. Thomas later clarified to the media that he felt compelled to resign in light of Mahathir's own resignation as prime minister, emphasizing his position as a political appointee in a government undergoing upheaval.
The wave of resignations did not stop with Thomas; on March 2, chief commissioner of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC), Latheefa Koya, also announced her resignation. During her exit, Koya emphasized that the decision was her own, asserting that there was no external pressure influencing her departure. Her resignation came as a surprise to many, especially since she had been vocal in her fight against corruption in Malaysia. Koya expressed a desire to return to her former career as a human rights advocate, indicating a shift in her professional focus away from the government’s anti-corruption efforts. Following her departure, Azam Baki was appointed as the new chief commissioner on March 9, 2020, marking a new chapter for the MACC amid the swirling controversies and challenges that characterized the Malaysian political milieu during this tumultuous period.
These resignations symbolized a broader crisis within the Malaysian government, reflecting the instability that accompanied Mahathir's resignation as Prime Minister. As political factions began to shift, the repercussions of these high-profile exits were felt not just within governmental structures, but also across Malaysian society, reopening discussions on the intersection of law, politics, and ethnic sentiments within the country. The expedited changes in leadership roles within the country’s critical institutions highlighted the fragility of Malaysia’s political framework and the potential for further tensions that could arise in the wake of emerging power dynamics.
== Political Developments in Selangor ==
In the midst of the 2020 Malaysian political crisis, significant political maneuvers occurred within Selangor's legislative landscape. On 24 February 2020, Amirudin Shari, who served as the Menteri Besar (Chief Minister) of Selangor and a key member of the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), convened a meeting with all PKR assembly members. Amirudin's position was deeply intertwined with that of Azmin Ali, a prominent figure in the party who had previously recommended Amirudin for the Menteri Besar role. The political climate was tense, as Azmin and his faction within PKR were contemplating their positions amidst shifting allegiances in the national coalition government.
On the following day, 25 February 2020, Amirudin and senior political figures, including Amanah's Selangor chairman Izham Hashim and DAP's Selangor chairman Gobind Singh Deo, sought an audience with Sultan Sharafuddin of Selangor. They aimed to reassure the Sultan that the upheavals occurring at the federal level would not destabilize the Pakatan Harapan coalition's governance in Selangor. The meeting yielded positive results, as the Sultan expressed confidence in the continuing operations of the state government under its current leadership.
However, political turbulence persisted in the months that followed. By 5 March 2020, Amirudin took decisive action by initiating a purge of Bersatu members from positions within the state administration, indicating a move to consolidate power amongst allied factions. The discontent within the PKR began to surface as well, highlighted by Dr. Daroyah Alwi's announcement on 13 June 2020 that she was leaving the party to become an independent assemblyman, citing a loss of faith in party leadership under Anwar Ibrahim. This reflected a growing rift within PKR, exacerbated by Hanizah Talha's sacking on 29 June, which she publicly denounced as retaliation.
As the year progressed, further changes unfolded. On 8 August 2020, Jeram assemblyman declared his departure from PPBM to become an independent member aligned with former party chairman Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, hinting at larger discontent within the party ranks. By November, Meru assemblyman made headlines by leaving Amanah to join PKR, followed by another defector from Amanah who also sought refuge in PKR after being ousted from the party.
The political landscape continued to evolve into 2022. On 8 January, both Daroyah Alwi and Hanizah Talha left their previous affiliations to join the newly established Parti Bangsa Malaysia (PBM), driven by the promise of coherent political direction. Shortly thereafter, on 23 January 2022, Teratai assemblyman Lai Wai Chong made a notable switch to WARISAN, signaling ongoing shifts among political figures seeking new platforms in a volatile political climate. These events underscore the fluid nature of Malaysian politics during this period, characterized by realignments and a reevaluation of loyalties amid an ongoing crisis at the federal level.
Political Developments in Johor During the Crisis
The political landscape of Johor underwent significant changes during the Malaysian political crisis that erupted in early 2020. On February 26, Sultan Ibrahim Ismail of Johor summoned the 56 members of the state legislative assembly to deliberate on the state's governance. The assembly was initially scheduled to convene on March 5, but this was postponed to allow the assembly members to express their stance on the formation of a new coalition government or to endorse the continuation of the Pakatan Harapan government. The political climate was highly charged, with intense negotiations and alliances being formed and dissolved in rapid succession.
Following the Sultan's directives, on February 27, 2020, news broke that a new coalition government had emerged, which claimed a simple majority of 28 assemblymen against 26 supporting Pakatan Harapan. However, confusion ensued when Pakatan Harapan challenged this assertion, claiming it too had the backing of 28 assembly members, including those who were rumored to switch sides. Amidst the upheaval, UMNO's Hasni Mohammad was sworn in as the new Menteri Besar on February 28, marking a transitional period characterized by shifting allegiances and a volatile political atmosphere. This was further complicated when on March 4, PKR assemblyman Chong Fat Full publicly decided to leave his party to become an independent aligned with the new coalition, thus tipping the balance of power further in favor of the Perikatan Nasional coalition.
As the year progressed, the political situation in Johor continued to evolve. On May 14, Sultan Ibrahim Ismail addressed the assembly and urged representatives to display unity and decorum amid rising tensions exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. His comments were timely, as previous disruptions in other state assemblies like Perak and Malacca highlighted the growing fissures in Malaysian politics. On June 3, Sultan Ibrahim issued a warning regarding potential elections in light of reports suggesting that Pakatan Harapan was plotting to reclaim power, underscoring the precariousness of the coalition's position.
In August 2020, Chong Fat Full joined Bersatu, indicating a continued realignment of political loyalties. However, tensions remained high as former Menteri Besar Osman Sapian faced internal party challenges for his public support of another political entity, Pejuang. The complications of these internal dynamics were amplified by Osman's death in December 2021, leading to increased speculation around the viability of the state government as the party compositions fluctuated.
In early January 2022, the Pakatan Harapan coalition expressed reluctance to participate in an upcoming Johor state election, focusing instead on guarantees of stability. However, under mounting political pressure and following open discussions about dissolving the state assembly, Sultan Ibrahim eventually signed the dissolution letter, paving the way for new elections scheduled over the following weeks. These decisions led to an exodus of several assembly members from various parties, including significant resignations from Bersatu, which reflected a loss of faith in the leadership and continued shifts in party allegiance.
In the March 2022 state election, Barisan Nasional achieved a decisive victory, reclaiming a two-thirds majority with 40 seats in the Johor State Legislative Assembly. This resurgence prompted speculation regarding the new Menteri Besar's appointment, with names such as Onn Hafiz Ghazi emerging as potential candidates amid calls for a new generation of leadership. Eventually, Onn Hafiz was sworn in as the new Menteri Besar, ushering in a fresh chapter for Johor's political landscape following a tumultuous few years marked by instability and power struggles.
These developments not only reshaped Johor's governance but also reflected broader national trends of political realignment and uncertainty, factors that were critical in navigating the challenges laid down by the earlier political crisis in Malaysia.
== Malacca Political Landscape ==
Malacca's political environment underwent significant turmoil during the 2020 Malaysian political crisis, largely triggered by the departure of the Malaysian United Indigenous Party (Bersatu) from the ruling coalition, Pakatan Harapan. This departure created an unprecedented deadlock, as both Pakatan Harapan and the opposition, Barisan Nasional, found themselves evenly matched with 13 assembly seats each in the state's legislative assembly. Amid growing tensions, the Chief Minister of Malacca, Adly Zahari, sought an audience with the Yang di-Pertua Negeri, Mohd Khalil Yaakob, on February 26 to apprise him of the evolving political predicament. Following this meeting, the state government held a press conference on February 27, announcing that operations would continue as usual, despite the delayed assembly session originally scheduled for March 6.
The situation escalated on March 2, 2020, when Abdul Raouf Yusof, the Barisan Nasional state chairman, reported meeting with the Yang di-Pertua Negeri and declared that Pakatan Harapan had officially lost its majority in the legislative assembly. With the backing of 17 assemblymen, the newly formed Perikatan Nasional coalition was set to establish a new government. In response, Adly proposed the dissolution of the state assembly to facilitate a fresh election, but his suggestion was unwelcome and subsequently rejected. The following day, in a press conference, Adly revealed that he had not resigned but had learned of his dismissal; on March 9, Sulaiman Md Ali from UMNO was sworn in as the new Chief Minister.
As the new political landscape took shape, tensions remained palpable. On May 11, 2020, during an assembly session, the Perikatan administration introduced a motion of no confidence against Speaker Omar Jaafar of PKR, which resulted in a tumultuous exchange of insults between opposing members. The incident illustrated the intense rivalry and distrust infecting the assembly chambers, prompting Speaker Omar’s adjournment of the session. In a marked move towards consolidating their hold over the assembly, the Perikatan coalition reconvened with only its assemblymen and proceeded to appoint Ab Rauf Yusoh from UMNO as the new Speaker—a development contested by the ousted Speaker and his supporters, further complicating the political discourse in Malacca.
The political instability continued into 2021, culminating in significant defections and calls for new elections. On October 4, discontent rose against Chief Minister Sulaiman Md Ali, leading four assemblymen, including former Chief Minister Idris Haron, to declare a lack of confidence in his leadership. This declaration was rooted in perceived failures by the state government, prompting UMNO leadership to propose dissolving the assembly to pave the way for fresh elections. Emphasizing the urgency of their demands, Haron expressed a desire for alternative leadership without immediate elections, suggesting that the power dynamics were shifting, exposing the fragile foundation of the Perikatan government in Malacca.
Ultimately, political tides turned sharply when the state assembly was officially dissolved on October 4, 2021, following the recommendations of Sulaiman Md Ali, which received assent from the Yang di-Pertua Negeri. This dissolution set the stage for elections that would decisively reshape Malacca's political landscape. The elections held on November 20, 2021, saw Barisan Nasional regain a simple majority with 21 seats, while the resignations that followed highlighted the ongoing internal struggles within political parties, particularly within the ranks of both Perikatan Nasional and Bersatu. As former assemblymen shifted allegiances and others took strategic steps to fortify their party positions, the Malacca political saga underscored the increasingly volatile climate of Malaysian politics.
Political Landscape in Kedah
The political situation in Kedah has been marked by significant shifts and realignments, particularly during the 2020 Malaysian political crisis. On 27 February 2020, Mukhriz Mahathir, the Menteri Besar of Kedah and a member of the Bersatu party, sought an audience with Sultan Sallehuddin of Kedah. Mukhriz, who is the son of former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, found himself in a precarious position as his party had recently exited the Pakatan Harapan coalition that was in power at the time. Despite the turmoil at the federal level, the Sultan granted Mukhriz permission to continue in his role as Menteri Besar after receiving support from 19 lawmakers of the Pakatan Harapan coalition.
As the political landscape continued to evolve, on 12 May, dissent within the ranks of the PKR party became evident when two assemblymen from the party—those representing Sidam and Lunas—resigned. They cited a lack of confidence in party leader Anwar Ibrahim and alleged systematic purging of grassroots members aligned with former Deputy Prime Minister Azmin Ali. Following this upheaval, the two assemblymen shifted their allegiance to become independents, indicating a friendly posture toward the Perikatan Nasional coalition. In a rapid development, the opposition leader from Kedah, Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor, publicly declared the formation of a new government that garnered the backing of 23 assemblymen, including the defectors from PKR and half of the ex-Bersatu members who had previously supported Pakatan Harapan.
Despite these dramatic shifts, Mukhriz maintained a defiant stance. On 13 May, he held a press conference alongside his executive council members, asserting that his administration had not crumbled and would remain in place until either formally notified by the Kedah palace or faced with a no-confidence vote in the state assembly. However, talks between assemblymen from both coalition factions soon unfolded, leading to an audience with the Sultan on 19 May. Ultimately, on 17 May, Mukhriz resigned after acknowledging a loss of confidence among the assembly members. Following his resignation, Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor from the PAS party was sworn in as the new Menteri Besar, marking a significant shift in the state's governance.
The continuing shifts in alignment and leadership were further illustrated on 6 September when Azman Nasrudin and Robert Ling Kui Ee joined the Bersatu party, showing the ongoing fluidity of political affiliations in the state. Additionally, a noteworthy event occurred on 30 October 2022 when Phahrolrazi Mohd Zawawi was expelled from the AMANAH party, a component of the opposition coalition Pakatan Harapan. Following this internal strife, he became an independent member of the Kedah legislative assembly, which disqualified him from his role as the State Leader of the Opposition. Johari Abdul, the Gurun MLA from the People's Justice Party (PKR), was subsequently appointed to take over his responsibilities, thereby reshaping the dynamics within the opposition coalition in Kedah.
The fluctuating political alliances and leadership changes in Kedah signify a broader trend that characterized Malaysia's political landscape in the wake of the 2020 crisis, reflecting a climate of uncertainty and constant negotiation among various political factions.
Overview of the Perak Political Landscape
The political landscape in Perak during the 2020 crisis was highly dynamic, characterized by significant shifts in coalition power and changes in leadership. On 27 February 2020, an UMNO representative met with the Sultan of Perak, Nazrin Shah, revealing that the Sultan indicated any political coalition claiming at least 30 seats in the state assembly would have the opportunity to form a government. This moment marked the beginning of a turbulent period for the state government, led by Ahmad Faizal Azumu from Bersatu. As the political climate in Malaysia began to shift nationwide, Faizal hinted at impending changes in governance and expressed his hope to retain his role as Menteri Besar.
By 3 March 2020, intense political dialogues culminated in significant announcements about the state of governance in Perak. Faizal revealed that he had been summoned by the Sultan for discussions, which foreshadowed the formation of a new state government. A week later, on 9 March, Faizal confirmed the establishment of a coalition government comprising members from UMNO, PAS, and Bersatu. Following his resignation on 10 March, he was notably reappointed by the Sultan as the Menteri Besar on 13 March, demonstrating the Sultan's critical role in mediating the state's political dynamics.
Tensions Within the Assembly
The political tension did not subside with the reappointment of Faizal, as evidenced by the controversy surrounding the Perak state legislative assembly speaker, Ngeh Koo Ham. In a speech on 12 May 2020, Ngeh announced his resignation after experiencing attempts from Faizal to launch a motion of no-confidence against him. Ngeh, during his address, underscored the unprofessional manner in which certain assembly members pursued his removal, highlighting the growing animosities and divisiveness among various factions within the assembly.
The political instability continued when assemblyman Sivasubramaniam Athinarayanan, formerly with DAP, made headlines by announcing his switch to Gerakan after being expelled from his original party. His affiliations shifted through the years, with his alignment confirmed with Bersatu in March 2021, although initially reported to join Gerakan in July 2020. Such transitions reflect the fluid nature of political affiliations in Perak during this period.
Leadership Changes and Future Implications
Faizal's political journey in Perak came to a somber conclusion on 4 December 2020, when he lost a confidence vote, subsequently resigning the following day. His departure paved the way for Saarani Mohamad from UMNO, who took the oath as the new Menteri Besar on 10 December. This leadership change highlighted the unstable landscape of Perak politics, where loyalty and support shifted rapidly.
In early 2021, the tensions persisted as members from several parties, including DAP and subsequent deflections to smaller parties like PBM, illustrated ongoing fragmentation. On 23 January 2022, Saarani reinforced stability by denying any plans to dissolve the state assembly, claiming robust support from various factions, including the Pakatan Harapan coalition.
As the political landscape continued to evolve with new parties emerging and shifting allegiances, the developments in Perak remained reflective of broader national trends within Malaysian politics, highlighting complexities in party dynamics and governance. Ultimately, the 2020 crisis served as a pivotal moment for Perak, shaping its political identity and future directions amid a backdrop of contention and realignment.
Penang experienced significant political shifts during the tumultuous events of early 2020, which culminated in a crisis that impacted not just the state, but the broader Malaysian political landscape. On March 4, Afif Bahardin, a member of the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), resigned from his role in the Penang State Executive Council. His resignation was fueled by pressure from both the state and national leadership of PKR, reflecting the internal conflicts within the party. Afif had been a supporter of Azmin Ali, who at that time held the position of deputy president, indicating a factional divide within the party that became increasingly evident as the crisis unfolded. Following his resignation, Norlela Ariffin, another PKR member, was appointed to fill the vacated position, taking her oath before Yang Dipertua Negeri Abdul Rahman Abbas on March 12.
The turbulence in Penang intensified when, on May 23, two state representatives from Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) withdrew their support from the Harapan government in light of new appointments made to the Penang Regional Development Authority and Mara Corp Sdn Bhd. This move highlighted the growing fractures in the coalition and prompted Chief Minister Chow Kon Yeow to propose a motion at the upcoming legislative assembly session aimed at vacating the seats of the dissenting representatives, along with that of Afif Bahardin, who had been suspended from PKR a few weeks prior. Notably, Penang is unique in Malaysia for having a law, under Section 14A of the Penang Constitution, that restricts elected representatives from switching parties. This law allows the legislative assembly to declare seats vacant if supported by a majority vote. However, the law's constitutionality has been challenged, having been deemed unconstitutional by the Federal Court in 1992, which adds a layer of complexity to the proceedings.
As political winds shifted, on June 24, Afif Bahardin made headlines again by announcing his departure from PKR, aligning himself with Bersatu. This move underscored the shifting allegiances among politicians during this critical period in Malaysian politics. Shortly after, on July 4, Zulkifli Ibrahim, another PKR member, was expelled from the party and, similarly to Afif, declared his intention to join the Perikatan Nasional coalition that was gathering momentum at the time. Zulkifli expressed frustration with the PKR disciplinary action against him, arguing that proper investigations should have been conducted before any punitive measures were taken. This sequence of events illustrates the fragility of party loyalties and the broader political instability that characterized Malaysia in the wake of the political crisis, setting the stage for ongoing struggles within the ruling coalition.
== Political Shifts in Sabah ==
The political landscape in Sabah underwent significant changes in 2020, starting with two assemblymen from the United Pasokmomogun Kadazandusun Murut Organisation (UPKO) leaving the party on June 15. They opted to become independent representatives aligned with the Perikatan Nasional coalition, citing that the state government was not aligned with the Federal Government. This action marked the beginning of a series of political realignments that would come to define Sabah's political scene in the subsequent months.
By the end of July 2020, former Chief Minister Musa Aman made headlines with his claims of having garnered enough support to establish a new state government under Perikatan Nasional. During a special press conference on July 29, he outlined a coalition that included major political players such as UMNO, Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu), Parti Solidariti Tanah Airku (STAR), and Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS). The atmosphere was charged with speculation about imminent changes in the Sabah government, especially after Home Affairs Minister Hamzah Zainudin briefly visited the state’s governor, Tun Juhar Mahiruddin, that morning.
On July 30, the political situation escalated as Chief Minister Shafie Apdal received consent from the governor to dissolve the Sabah State Assembly, setting the stage for a snap election. This announcement came after Musa claimed to have confirmed support from numerous assemblymen and raised the possibility of returning to power. Amid this political turmoil, several assemblymen were expelled from their respective parties for defecting or showing support for the proposed coalition led by Musa Aman. The expulsion of notable figures from parties like DAP and PKR underscored the depth of factionalism that had taken root.
The snap election held on September 26, 2020, resulted in a seismic shift when Perikatan Nasional secured a simple majority by winning 38 out of 73 contested seats, thus unseating the Warisan-led government. Hajiji Noor of Bersatu emerged as the new Chief Minister, signifying a change in control which hinted at broader implications for Malaysian politics, especially regarding the dynamics between federal and state governments.
As 2021 progressed, defections from Warisan continued. For instance, assemblyman Hassan A. Gani Pg. Amir left the party in February, criticizing it for prioritizing political agendas over public welfare. Other similar transfers occurred, reflecting ongoing dissatisfaction among politicians with their respective parties. Yusof Yacob, another former Warisan member, expressed disappointment with the party's direction, ultimately rejoining UMNO.
These shifts pointed to a consistent trend of political realignment, as assembly members frequently switched allegiances among competing coalitions. The departure of assemblymen like Mohammadin Ketapi to form independent factions or align with different parties underlined the instability and volatility present in Sabah's political arena. As more political figures such as Juil Nuatim and Peter Anthony announced their exits from Warisan to establish new local parties aligned with ruling coalitions, the landscape of Sabah politics continued to change rapidly heading into 2022.
By early 2023, further transformations were evident when Yusof Yacob, along with eight other MLAs, pledged their support for Chief Minister Hajiji Noor in a move that showcased a renewed commitment to the GRS coalition. With local political affiliations in flux and parties like Bersatu Sabah dissolving, the political fabric of Sabah remains in a state of flux, illustrating the ever-evolving nature of political allegiances in Malaysian state politics. As factions regroup and new coalitions form, the outcomes of these shifts could significantly influence the future governance of Sabah.
== Political Developments in Negeri Sembilan ==
In the midst of the political upheaval faced in Malaysia during 2020, Negeri Sembilan witnessed significant shifts within its political landscape, particularly involving the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and the People's Justice Party (PKR). On 10 July of that year, Mary Josephine, the assemblywoman for Rahang, made headlines by announcing her decision to leave the DAP and resign from all positions held within the party. Her statement highlighted her struggles with the challenges and pressures imposed by the leadership of the state DAP, reflecting internal unrest within the party's ranks. Notably, Josephine indicated her intention to continue her political journey by supporting the Pakatan Harapan coalition as an independent figure.
However, her departure from DAP was short-lived. On 20 July, only ten days after her announcement, Josephine retracted her resignation and rejoined the party, signaling a possible resolution to her internal conflicts and a move to further align with her political roots. This rapid turnaround could suggest that Josephine's issues with the party leadership might have been addressed, or perhaps it indicated a strategic decision to maintain her affiliation with a party that is a part of the larger opposition coalition in Malaysia.
As the political dynamics continued to evolve in Negeri Sembilan, the PKR also faced its own turmoil. On 5 September 2021, a group of four PKR assemblypersons, along with eleven other PKR members, publicly declared their loss of faith in Aminuddin Harun, who was then serving as the Menteri Besar (Chief Minister) of Negeri Sembilan as well as the state PKR chief. The dissenting members cited his failures to strengthen the party and expressed concerns over the potential for significant electoral losses in upcoming elections. This internal strife within the PKR hinted at broader challenges facing the party as it navigated its position in the coalition government and worked to maintain cohesion among its members, especially in the wake of the shifting allegiances prevalent in Malaysian politics during this period.
These events in Negeri Sembilan were reflective of the complexity and volatility characterizing the country's political scene, where party loyalty and individual ambitions often intersected, leading to unpredictable outcomes and shifts in political alliances. The responses from various party members and actions taken by leaders highlighted the continuous struggle for power and influence within the Malaysian political framework, shaping the narrative leading up to subsequent elections.
Political Developments in Kelantan and Terengganu
The political landscape in Kelantan and Terengganu witnessed significant changes following the 2018 Malaysian general elections. On 18 September 2018, Mustapa Mohamed, a prominent politician and then-Member of Parliament, made headlines when he announced his departure from the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). His resignation as UMNO's parliamentary representative and state assembly member stemmed from his dissatisfaction with the party's evolving direction, which he felt clashed with his political beliefs. Shortly after, on 27 October 2018, Mustapa joined the Malaysian United Indigenous Party (BERSATU), expressing his belief that this new affiliation would enhance his ability to serve constituents effectively.
In a broader context, the coalition dynamics between Perikatan Nasional (PN) and Barisan Nasional (BN) solidified their foothold in the Kelantan State Legislative Assembly, resulting in a legislature devoid of opposition parties. This unyielding control underscored notable shifts in allegiances and party strategies within the state, highlighting the fragmentation of traditional political alliances.
In Terengganu, controversy brewed as UMNO's state chief, Ahmad Said, publicly criticized the absence of cooperation between UMNO and the state government led by the Islamist party PAS. Despite the establishment of the Muafakat Nasional pact—an agreement aimed at cementing ties between UMNO and PAS—Ahmad Said's statements illustrated tensions within this supposed coalition. This lack of effective collaboration raised questions about the future of joint political strategies in light of shifting allegiances amongst parties.
On 22 January 2022, further developments occurred when UMNO Kelantan state chief Ahmad Jazlan Yaakub declared his withdrawal from the Muafakat Nasional coalition with PAS Kelantan. This decision was made in the wake of PAS Kelantan's continued partnership with BERSATU as they geared up for the upcoming 15th General Election. In response, PAS Kelantan's leader and Menteri Besar, Ahmad Yakob, expressed a desire to maintain a cooperative relationship with UMNO, despite the rift. This ongoing dialogue highlighted the complexities of coalition politics in the region, revealing an intricate dance between cooperation and competition as parties navigated their respective paths leading into future elections.
Ultimately, these developments reflect the fluctuating allegiances and political maneuvering that characterize Malaysian politics, particularly in the states of Kelantan and Terengganu, where traditional party loyalties are continuously being tested and redefined.
Political Developments in Perlis
The political dynamics in Perlis saw significant changes following the 2018 general election, where Ismail Kassim emerged as a notable figure. Nominated by the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition for the position of Menteri Besar, Kassim retained his assembly seat; however, the coalition’s plans ultimately fell through. In light of the outcomes, Ismail made a pivotal decision to leave the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), thereby becoming the first independent state assemblyman in Perlis. This marked the beginning of a tumultuous political journey for him.
In his quest to align himself with a political party, Ismail applied to join the People's Justice Party (Parti Keadilan Rakyat, PKR). However, his application remained in limbo, as it was never confirmed or reported to have been accepted. This period of uncertainty for Ismail exemplified the shifting political landscape in Malaysia, where coalition alignments were fluid and often unpredictable.
By August 2019, Ismail announced his intention to join the Malaysian United Indigenous Party (BERSATU). This announcement drew attention, but it was short-lived. Marzuki Yahya, then the secretary-general of BERSATU, refuted Ismail's claims by indicating that he had not received any membership application from the Tambun Tulang assemblyman. This situation highlighted the intricate network of party politics in Malaysia, where membership and affiliations can often be contested.
In a turn of events that seemed to reflect both his resilience and adaptability, Ismail Kassim officially rejoined UMNO on May 16, 2020. His application was approved, restoring him to the fold of a party that has been a significant player in Malaysian politics for decades. This move signified not only Ismail's return to his political roots but also underscored the ongoing challenges and transformations within Malaysia's political landscape as parties navigated the aftermath of shifting allegiances and leadership crises. The political turbulence in Perlis and elsewhere in Malaysia highlighted the need for stability and cohesion in the realm of governance amidst the evolving democratic narratives.
Political Shifts in Sarawak
The political landscape in Sarawak witnessed significant changes during the tumultuous period following the 2020 Malaysian political crisis. On 14 April 2020, See Chee How, the assemblyman for Batu Lintang, was expelled from the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR). This departure left the PKR without any representation in the Sarawak State Legislative Assembly. The implications of this move were far-reaching, as it marked a decline in the party's influence within the state. The situation worsened for the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition when, on 27 July 2020, Wong King Wei, the assemblyman for Padungan and the vice-chairman of Sarawak DAP, announced his resignation from the party, expressing disillusionment with its direction and management. Wong felt that the party had strayed from its original principles, which motivated him to join in 2006. His resignation meant that PH lost its status as the largest opposition party in the assembly, a significant blow to its political strength.
In response to these changes, Wong Soon Koh from the Parti Sarawak Bersatu (PSB) emerged as the new opposition leader on 9 November 2020. This transition was indicative of a broader reorganization within the state's political framework. A pivotal development occurred on 23 August 2020, when Ali Biju's entry into the assembly signified the representation of BERSATU and the Perikatan Nasional coalition for the first time, further reshaping the opposition landscape.
The evolving political dynamics continued into 2021, culminating in significant leadership changes. On 21 December 2020, Larry Sng stepped down as the Sarawak PKR chairman, aiming to pave the way for a Dayak leader to take the reins ahead of the anticipated Sarawak state election scheduled for June 2021. This decision highlighted the importance of ethnic representation and the strategic considerations within Sarawak’s political milieu.
The situation further developed when See Chee How resigned again on 14 August 2022, this time from PSB. In a press conference two days later, he articulated that his departure had long been contemplated and was not a reaction to the recent legal amendments restricting party-hopping among elected representatives. When questioned about his future endeavors, Chee How stated that he had no immediate plans to either form a new party or join any existing one, leaving his next steps open-ended in the evolving political scenario.
Overall, the events in Sarawak reflect the fluidity of Malaysian politics post-crisis, marked by shifting allegiances, leadership changes, and ongoing debates regarding representation. The implications of these political shifts continue to resonate within the state, influencing both current governance and future electoral strategies.
Political Strife Within PKR
The political turmoil within the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) reached a fever pitch following a meeting on March 1, 2020, during which supporters of former deputy president Azmin Ali faced harassment and violence from more staunch PKR supporters. Members such as vice-president Tian Chua and former youth wing deputy chief Afif Bahardin were labeled as "traitors," illustrating the deep divisions within the party. The situation escalated to the point where police were involved; they confirmed one arrest related to the incident involving Chua, while at least two reports were filed in connection with the assaults.
This episode of violence marked a troubling trend, as numerous grassroots members began to disaffiliate from PKR amidst a broader political crisis. Following Azmin's and Zuraida Kamaruddin's expulsion from the party on February 26, three leaders from the Kelantan branch publicly announced their departure. The dissatisfaction among party members continued to grow; by February 28, approximately 2,000 members from the Pasir Puteh branch opted to leave, expressing discontent with the leadership. The situation continued to worsen with further exits, including 536 members from the Kota Raja branch on March 1, who voiced a lack of trust in the party's objectives. By March 2, 400 more members from Perak departed, citing a loss of focus on nation-building in favor of an overemphasis on power transition to party president Anwar Ibrahim.
The exodus continued through the subsequent months, with notable figures like Nurainie Haziqah Shafii, the chief of PKR Srikandi Keadilan, leaving on May 17 as a result of waning confidence in the party's trajectory. In June, 50 women leaders from Johor followed suit, and soon after, 25 grassroots leaders from the Saratok branch exited the party. By the end of June, the Jelebu branch experienced a similar scenario, with 19 committee members resigning due to a perceived loss of faith in the overall leadership. This pattern of discontent persisted into July, exemplified by the departure of Sharifah Norhayati Syed Omar Alyahya and 131 members from Terengganu on July 1, spurred by what they perceived as injustices within the party hierarchy.
The consequences of this mounting discontent were dire for PKR. On July 11, nearly 100 members of the Anak Muda Keadilan (AMK) from Port Dickson resigned, effectively incapacitating the branch and raising concerns about the party's future electoral viability. The dissolution of the Jempol PKR branch on July 15 following the departure of its chief and 25 other members underscored the serious implications of the leadership crisis within the party. Ultimately, by July 25, a staggering 721 members from the Tebrau branch exited, all citing a loss of faith in the leadership. This ongoing exodus signaled a critical juncture for PKR, highlighting internal strife that would have lasting implications for its political landscape.
Economic Impact of Political Instability
The unexpected resignation of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad on February 24, 2020, sent shockwaves throughout Malaysia's financial landscape. The FTSE Bursa Malaysia KLCI, the benchmark stock market index, plummeted to its lowest level since 2011, reflecting investor concerns over political uncertainty. This significant decline indicated a broader loss of confidence in the economic stability of the nation, as investors typically react negatively to sudden political changes that threaten established governance.
In addition to the drastic drop in stock prices, the Malaysian Ringgit also faced substantial pressure in foreign exchange markets. It traded at 4.22 against the US dollar, marking its weakest performance in several months. A declining currency can lead to increased import costs, putting additional strain on Malaysia's economy, which relies heavily on imports for essential goods and services. These developments prompted concerns regarding inflationary pressures and the overall purchasing power of consumers.
However, in a demonstration of market resilience, the FTSE Bursa Malaysia began to recover the following day, bouncing back with a trading increase of 0.78% by midday. This rebound indicated a degree of optimism among investors that, despite the political turmoil, Malaysia’s economic environment could stabilize. Despite the challenges posed by political changes, markets can often show rapid recovery if investors believe in the underlying fundamentals of the economy.
The subsequent resignation of Muhyiddin Yassin further intensified concerns within the financial markets, with the Ringgit falling to a one-year low alongside a dip in stock market performance. This volatility reiterated the intricate link between political stability and economic confidence. Investors remained on edge, weighing the potential for further political upheaval against the economic policies that the next government may implement. As Malaysia navigated this period of uncertainty, discussions around economic reforms and effective governance became increasingly critical for sustaining investor confidence and ensuring economic recovery.
Political Influence of the Monarchy
The political landscape of Malaysia underwent significant upheaval during the 2020 Malaysian political crisis, particularly marked by the actions of the monarchy, specifically Sultan Abdullah of Pahang. Traditionally, the monarchy in Malaysia has maintained a policy of minimal direct involvement in political affairs, respecting the parliamentary system that defines the country's governance. However, Sultan Abdullah's decisive role in supporting the appointment of Muhyiddin Yassin as Prime Minister, thereby effectively overturning the results of the 2018 general election, has prompted widespread speculation regarding a possible shift in the monarchy’s political stance. Media outlets, including The Guardian, have labeled this act as a "royal coup," suggesting a potential evolution in the monarchy’s engagement with politics that could influence future governance.
The unfolding crisis highlighted the dynamic interplay between various political factions in Malaysia, with the resignation of then Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, who was part of the Pakatan Harapan coalition, leading to a scramble for power among political leaders. Central to this was Muhyiddin Yassin’s strategic move to consolidate support with the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and other factions that had previously opposed Mahathir, thus securing a political majority in the Dewan Rakyat. This coalition saw the emergence of the Perikatan Nasional party, which represents a combination of political interests aimed at preserving the influence of the Malay community within the government.
Changes in Party Affiliations
The crisis also caused a significant reshuffling of political allegiances, with many Members of Parliament (MPs) switching parties in the wake of the turmoil. The data reflects a notable trend where several MPs transitioned from Pakatan Harapan, the coalition that governed prior to the crisis, to Perikatan Nasional or returned to their roots in UMNO. Individual cases, such as that of Annuar Musa, who became Minister of Federal Territories, demonstrate the political maneuvering where past affiliations were set aside for new alliances that aligned with the government formed by Muhyiddin.
This shifting political allegiance has not only altered the composition of the Cabinet but has also evidenced a broader ideological drift within Malaysian politics. The scenario illustrates the fluidity of party politics in Malaysia, where historical loyalty to a party can dramatically change based on the prevailing political landscape or perceived opportunity for political gain.
Long-term Implications
The events of 2020 have raised questions about the long-term implications of monarchic involvement in Malaysia. Should the monarchy continue to assert greater influence in political matters, it could redefine its role traditionally viewed as constitutional and symbolically neutral. Potentially, this could pave the way for increased stability in leadership selection but may also draw criticisms about the erosion of democratic principles within the parliamentary system.
Moreover, as Malaysia navigates the ramifications of shifting party dynamics and alliances formed during the crisis, the potential for future political unrest remains. The engagement of the monarchy could play a crucial role in shaping the evolving political narrative in Malaysia, whether by stabilizing governance through royal endorsement of new political arrangements or by inadvertently fueling further factional divides among Malaysian political entities.