Background of Ethnic Tensions in Fiji
Prior to gaining independence from the United Kingdom in 1970, Fiji was marked by escalating tensions between its two principal ethnic groups: indigenous Fijians and Indo-Fijians. Analyzing the demographic landscape of 1987 sheds light on this enduring strife; the indigenous Fijians constituted approximately 46% of the population, while Indo-Fijians made up around 49%. This delicate balance created a politically charged environment, as both communities laid claim to significant segments of power and influence within the nation. The simmering discord often erupted into social and political unrest, exacerbated by contrasting cultural identities and conflicts of interest.
The pivotal general election of April 1987 served as a flashpoint for these long-standing tensions. The political climate shifted dramatically when it resulted in the ousting of the Conservative-led government headed by Prime Minister Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, a prominent leader of the indigenous Fijian community. In its place, a new multi-ethnic coalition government emerged, primarily supported by Indo-Fijian voters and the Labour Party. This coalition represented a substantial shift in the political landscape, straining traditional power dynamics that had existed since colonial times. It raised concerns among many indigenous Fijians who felt their cultural identity and interests were at risk under this new governance system.
Brigadier General Sitiveni Rabuka, a key military figure, seized upon these concerns of ethnic Fijians, citing fears of racial discrimination as his justification for orchestrating a coup on May 14, 1987. However, many political analysts and authorities questioned the legitimacy of his claims, pointing to the constitutional safeguards that were in place to protect the rights of all citizens, irrespective of their ethnic backgrounds. The coup, which would ultimately lead to multiple upheavals in Fijian politics, was marked by a complex interplay of ethnic identity, political ambition, and the struggle for national cohesion within a diverse society that was still adjusting to the realities of independence. The ramifications of these events would reach far beyond the immediate political changes, shaping Fiji’s national discourse on ethnicity, governance, and democracy for years to come.
The May Coup Overview
On the morning of May 14, 1987, Fiji experienced a sudden political upheaval as a group of ten masked and armed soldiers infiltrated the national legislature during a routine session of the House of Representatives. The leader of this coup was Lieutenant Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka, who, dressed in civilian attire, descended from the public gallery to confront then-Prime Minister Timoci Bavadra. Rabuka issued an order for the parliament members to vacate the premises, and in a surprising display of compliance, they left without any resistance. Remarkably, the coup unfolded without any reported casualties, marking a significant shift in Fijian governance.
Shortly after the military takeover, around 11 am, Radio Fiji informed the public about the coup. Rabuka's next move involved seeking the recognition of his actions from the Governor-General, Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau, who was also his paramount chief. During their meeting at Government House, Ratu Sir Penaia expressed concern over the abrupt change, asking Rabuka pointedly about the implications of his actions for himself and the government. The Governor-General's plea for Rabuka to reconsider the swift nature of the coup highlighted the tension between maintaining order and the momentum for military intervention at a transitional moment in Fijian politics. This encounter concluded with Ratu Sir Penaia wishing Rabuka good luck, leaving the impression of uncertainty over the future.
In an immediate response to the coup, the Governor-General established a Constitution Review Committee, headed by Sir John Falvey, to address perceived inadequacies in Fiji's original constitution from 1970. The committee was tasked with examining ways to enhance representation for indigenous Fijians while considering the interests of other ethnic groups within the country. This committee was set to begin its hearings on July 6 and was expected to deliver recommendations by the end of July. The significance of the proposed changes became clear with the recommendation for a new unicameral legislature composed of a diverse group of representatives, alongside hopes to abolish national constituencies in favor of communal voting. Additionally, a pivotal stipulation was that the office of Prime Minister was to be exclusively reserved for an indigenous Fijian.
Amidst the political turmoil, the Governor-General moved to dissolve Parliament and granted amnesty to Rabuka while also inviting him to ascend to the position of commander of the Royal Fiji Military Forces. The decisions taken by Ratu Sir Penaia were met with skepticism and disapproval from the ousted Bavadra government, prompting the former Prime Minister to challenge the legitimacy of the Governor-General's actions in the Supreme Court of Fiji. This legal challenge set the stage for further political conflict and illustrated the complexities of navigating power dynamics following the coup. The ramifications of these developments would have lasting impacts on Fiji's political landscape for years to come.
= Background and Context =
Following Fiji's independence from British colonization in 1970, the head of state was established as the Queen of Fiji, Elizabeth II. This constitutional relationship with the British monarchy continued until significant political turmoil developed in the 1980s. The political landscape was dominated by ethnic tensions, particularly between the indigenous Fijian population and the Indo-Fijian community, leading to significant instability. These tensions came to a head in May 1987 with a coup led by Lieutenant Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka. The Fijian Supreme Court subsequently ruled this first coup unconstitutional, creating a complex political environment.
= The Deuba Talks and Accord =
In an effort to resolve the crisis, the Governor-General took important steps to stabilize the situation by convening the Deuba Talks. These negotiations involved discussions between the deposed government, which was primarily supported by Indo-Fijians, and the Alliance Party, which held strong backing from the indigenous Fijian community. The culmination of these discussions resulted in the Deuba Accord, officially signed on 23 September 1987. This agreement aimed to establish a government of national unity that included representation from multiple political factions, striving to maintain peace and cooperation in a divided nation.
= The Second Coup =
Despite the efforts to create a stable political environment, on 25 September 1987, Rabuka took decisive action by staging a second coup. This was primarily motivated by his concerns that the concessions made to the Indo-Fijian community during the Deuba Talks could undermine the gains achieved in the initial coup. His actions on this date marked a significant escalation in the political crisis. Following the dissolution of the previous government structure, Rabuka proclaimed the formation of a republic on 10 October 1987. He abrogated the Constitution of Fiji unilaterally, dismissed the Governor-General, and positioned himself as the Head of the Interim Military Government.
= The Aftermath and Establishment of the Republic =
In the wake of these upheavals, Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau stepped down from his role as Governor-General on 15 October. However, political fortunes shifted again when he was appointed as the first President of Fiji on 6 December 1987, symbolizing a new governmental structure under Rabuka's leadership. The 1987 coups fundamentally reshaped Fiji's political landscape, leading to years of military rule and a restructuring of its constitution. The aftermath of these events would influence Fijian politics for decades to come, as ethnic divisions and questions about governance continued to reverberate throughout society. The shifts initiated by these coups laid the groundwork for future tensions and conflict in this diverse and complex nation.
International involvement
The political landscape in Oceania was significantly affected by the 1987 Fijian coups d'état, particularly through the reactions of Australia and New Zealand. Both nations, which historically wield considerable political influence in the South Pacific region, expressed concern regarding the upheaval. Their discomfort was rooted in the fact that it disrupted not only the political stability of Fiji but also the broader dynamics of regional governance. Nevertheless, despite their concerns, Australia and New Zealand ultimately chose not to intervene militarily or politically in the situation. Instead, they adopted a strategy of non-recognition towards the newly established government, aligning themselves with the actions taken by international allies such as the United States and the United Kingdom, who similarly reassessed their diplomatic and economic commitments to Fiji.
In tandem with diplomatic measures, Australia, driven by its labor movement, enacted a robust embargo on shipments to Fiji. The Australian labor community perceived the overthrow of a democratically elected Labour-led government as a substantial setback for the global labor movement, prompting this collective reaction. Given that Australia was Fiji's largest trading partner, the embargo had a pronounced effect on Fiji's economy, leading to a significant reduction in international trade. This economic isolation was not only a form of political protest but also carried heavy repercussions for the Fijian populace, impacting livelihoods and exacerbating the country's economic challenges.
The ramifications of these international responses were felt deeply within Fiji, as the suspension of foreign aid and the halting of trade meant that essential resources became scarcer. In a broader context, the situation highlighted the interconnectedness of international relations and domestic affairs in the Pacific, underscoring how regional powers could influence outcomes by withdrawing support and engaging in economic sanctions. Ultimately, the events in Fiji in 1987 serve as a critical case study of how external political dynamics can shape the internal fabric of a nation and the resilience of its government amidst international pressures.
Aftermath of the 1987 Coup
Following the second coup in Fiji, the immediate repercussions were felt both domestically and internationally. The United Nations condemned the coup, urging the restoration of the ousted government. This international outcry reflected widespread concern over the violation of democratic norms and stability in the Pacific region. In a decisive move, the Commonwealth of Nations expelled Fiji from its ranks, further isolating the nation on the global stage.
The economic ramifications of the coup were severe, particularly in the key sectors of tourism and sugar production, which were critical to Fiji's economy. Between 1987 and 1988, the nation's economy contracted by an alarming 7.8%. This downturn resulted in increased unemployment and created a climate of uncertainty, which exacerbated social tensions and led to widespread disillusionment among the populace.
In 1990, a new constitution was ratified that institutionalized racial disparities by reserving critical offices, including the President and Prime Minister, and a significant majority of legislative positions for indigenous Fijians. These provisions entrenched systemic discrimination, leading to increasing discontent among Indo-Fijian communities. However, reforms came in 1997, when a revised constitution was adopted that aimed to dismantle these racially biased provisions, paving the way for a more inclusive governance framework. By the end of 1997, Fiji had formally become a republic within the Commonwealth of Nations, marking a significant transition in its political landscape.
The impact of the coups also led to substantial emigration, particularly among Indo-Fijians, who were often seen as a target during the political upheaval. Many skilled workers left the country, contributing to a demographic shift that saw Indo-Fijians become a minority by 1994. This exodus had lasting implications for Fiji's labor market and social fabric.
In hindsight, figures involved in the coup reflected on their actions. In 2014, Sitiveni Rabuka, who led the coup, revealed that he had been urged to seize power by then-Prime Minister Timoci Bavadra. During a casual golf game, Bavadra suggested that the only solution to the political crisis was to "throw this constitution out of the window." This admission provided further insight into the complexities and motivations behind the coup, shedding light on the tumultuous political climate of the time.